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Journal ArticleDOI

Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norway

01 Sep 2010-Scandinavian Political Studies (Blackwell Publishing Ltd)-Vol. 33, Iss: 3, pp 248-270
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyzed partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway and found that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual and that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule.
Abstract: Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985‐2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule.Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences.

Summary (6 min read)

1. Introduction

  • The main question is addressed by studying both immigration flow data as well as policy changes.
  • There are numerous lenses through which to examine immigration and immigration policy, and this thesis highlights three of them: parties and governments, media attention, and public opinion.
  • In that sense, this thesis can therefore be considered a ‘most similar systems study’.
  • Sweden has had distinctively more liberal entrance policies than Denmark on both family and asylum related immigration, and Norway falls in between the two.

1.1 Three types of immigration

  • The three major types of immigration to Western Europe are labour immigration, family immigration, and asylum related immigration.
  • Family and asylum related immigration have been the main types of immigration to Scandinavia in the period under study1.
  • In particular, considering that family immigration has been the largest group of immigrants to Scandinavia the lack of scholarly attention to explaining family immigration policy is striking2.
  • Family immigration can be divided into two main types: family reunification and family establishment.
  • The term ‘asylum related immigration’ also includes UNHCR refugees.

1.2 Immigration to Scandinavia

  • Post WWII immigration to Sweden differs from that to Norway and Denmark in that it began earlier, and that it has been larger.
  • These figures may not be entirely comparable, due to different reporting.
  • Related immigration makes up a much larger share of the total number of annual immigrants Sweden than in Denmark and Norway6.
  • After the 2004 and 2007 enlargements of the EU, however, labour immigration has exceeded the family and asylum related immigration in Denmark and Norway.
  • To investigate the relationship between public opinion and immigration policy changes in “Do Asylum Policies Respond”, asylum policy changes in all three countries were also mapped .

1.3 The policy process

  • The three articles in the thesis emphasize different parts of the policy process.
  • The boxes ‘Mass media’, ‘Voter preferences’ and ‘Political parties’ illustrate the explanations of immigration and immigration policy highlighted in the thesis.
  • This highlights that voters, parties and mass media primarily impact on policy output and outcomes 8.
  • Thus, the model visualises how the three articles make up an entity.
  • In cases of minority governments, which have been common in Scandinavia, legislatures may, however, change policies without going through the government.

1.4 Article summaries

  • “The Partisan Influence on Immigration – the Case of Norway”11 The first article focuses on the impact of government changes on actual immigration to Norway.
  • In addition, the statistical model controls for previous immigration to Norway from each country of origin and unemployment in Norway.
  • Whereas in “The Partisan Influence” I study the number of admitted refugees, I here look at asylum policy changes: amendments to laws and regulations that control access to the country and criteria for residence permits for asylum seekers.
  • This article also addresses whether governments could be more responsive to their own voters than the median voter.

2. Immigration policy research

  • This thesis falls within the field of migration research, which is concerned with immigration flows, in contrast to studies of immigrant populations.
  • Immigration regulation policy generally precedes immigrant regulation policy and citizenship policy, as the former is about access and permission to reside in the territory, in contrast to the latter two which are relevant after the immigration has taken place15.
  • Throughout these sections, I will give an account of how immigration policy has been explained in previous research, and relate the explanations to the three Scandinavian cases as well as to the three thesis articles.
  • Operation on regulation and control has become increasingly tighter.
  • The research field can be described as fragmented and diverse, and the following review is by all means not complete.

2.1 Two central immigration research questions

  • Research on immigration policy has, as pointed out by Boswell (2007), granted substantial attention to explaining two puzzles in particular: First, why immigration policies in Western Europe have failed (‘the gap hypothesis’), and why industrial countries have liberal immigration policies despite negative public attitudes towards immigration (‘the liberal policy puzzle’.
  • The continued and even increasing immigration despite the implementation of an “immigration stop” in the 1970s, and later the soaring numbers of asylum applications, have led researchers to investigate what appeared to be failed policies and lost national sovereignty (Cornelius, Tsuda, Martin, & Hollifield, 2004; Guiraudon & Lahav, 2000; Joppke, 1998; Sassen, 1996).
  • Second, this thesis utilizes a state-centred perspective (see for instance Favell, 2006) and thereby implicitly accepts the arguments of those who see the national level as decisive for immigration policy and policy outcomes (such as Favell, 2006; Perlmutter, 1996).
  • When policies appear to be increasingly in accordance with stated political goals the ‘gap hypothesis’ is less relevant.
  • Has contributed to labour immigration becoming the most common type of immigration to two of the three Scandinavian countries.

3. National politics

  • All three articles of this thesis are concerned with national immigration politics and policy: “The Partisan Influence” looks at the importance of the composition of Norwegian governments.
  • “Is the Press a Political Actor” focuses on the potential impact of the press on the national democratic system.
  • “Do Asylum Policies Respond” also investigates the relationship between public opinion and government policy.
  • This section looks into different views and perspectives on internal determinants of immigration and immigration policy.
  • Compared to the two other explanations highlighted in the thesis – political parties and the press - public opinion is granted less space in this section.

3.1 Political parties

  • “The Partisan Influence” explores the impact that changes in government have on immigration policy in Norway.
  • Still, Triadafilopoulos and Zaslove (2006) argue that not enough attention has been paid to political parties in the immigration policy literature and that the role of parties in the policymaking process has been overlooked (2006, 172).
  • Boréus (2010) points to the strategically important position of the Danish People’s Party as a support party for the government and concludes that “it can hardly be doubted that the Danish People’s Party’s position as support party for the rightwing governments is an important part of the explanation for political change”.
  • Green-Pedersen and Krogstrup (2008) argue that party competition is an important explanation for the level of politicization of immigration in Denmark and Sweden.
  • In turn, the different levels of politicization influence the direction and frequency of policy changes.

3.2 The mass media

  • The role of the mass media is certainly not first and foremost to influence public policy.
  • The potential impact of the mass media specifically on immigration policy has not been granted much scholarly attention.
  • Immigration, like the other issues Soroka describes as sensational, certainly have many effects, but not large, direct effects on a large share of the population.
  • There are several examples that sharp increases in immigration applications from certain countries can be traced back to positive news stories about Norway in the country of origin.

3.3 NGO’s and interest groups

  • This thesis is not concerned with the role of NGO’s and interest groups in immigration policymaking, but a substantial part of the immigration policy literature is.
  • Somerville and Goodman (2010) look into the role of networks between pressure groups and governments in the development of migration policy in the UK, building on the studies by Freeman (1995) and Statham and Geddes (2006) on interest groups’ influence on immigration policy.
  • Certain sectors of the economy, such as agriculture, are dependent on the informal sector (2004, 401).
  • Piguet (2006) finds that economic interests are a driving force behind Swiss immigration policies.
  • He points out that it is “difficult to identify a pro-immigration business lobby” in Europe, and NGOs that are lobbying for liberal policies are not powerful (Geddes, 2003).

3.4 Other explanations of immigration policy

  • Public opinion, which is the concern of “Do Asylum Policies Respond”, is not one of the central explanations in the literature.
  • She looks into whether public opinion explains not only the restrictiveness or liberalness of EU policies, but also the degree of integration on the immigration issue.
  • She argues that public opinion has not been a decisive factor in the 29 In 2008, Statistics Norway estimated that the number of irregular migrants resident in Norway was between 10.460 and 31917 (Zhang 2008).
  • He argues that the problem of “unwanted immigration” – that states accept a higher number of immigrants than what the public ideally would want – is one that only exists in liberal states (1998, 268) : Authoritarian regimes efficiently expel unwanted migrants31.
  • Still, as will be discussed in a later section of this synopsis chapter, European judicial review has had some impact on Scandinavian immigration policies.

4. Limits to national political control

  • In their report on migration and welfare, a Norwegian government committee stated that: “the EEA agreement constrains Norwegian immigration policy regarding control of both the number and composition of immigration flows from the EU/EEA.
  • In particular, labour immigration policies are largely constrained by EU agreements.
  • The thesis argues that national politics is a crucial factor in understanding both immigration policy and immigration inflows, but its impact is clearly restricted.
  • 33 Whereas Sweden decided not to have any transitional arrangements for citizens in the new EU member states, Denmark and Norway in 2008 and 2009 removed the temporary restrictions.

4.1 International conventions

  • Brochmann and Hammar (1999, 6) highlight the dilemma which governments face when regulating immigration: Policies must correspond to normative obligations, “while at the same time taking care of the ‘interest of the state’”.
  • 35 In the case of Söring v. the United Kingdom in 1989, the European Court ruled that Jens Sörling should not be extradited to the US, where he faced a murder trial, risking the death penalty and years awaiting execution on death row.
  • Guiraudon and Lahav (2000, 175) studied the incorporation of the ECHR in the Netherlands, France, and Germany, and argue that international norms can have an impact on national migration policies.
  • In addition to influence through the process of incorporating the convention into national legislation, the ECHR may alter national policy though court rulings.
  • Occasionally, the European Court has had some impact on the treatment of asylum seekers in Scandinavia as a result of rulings against other states.

4.2 The European Union

  • With Saskia Sassens’s statement that “the state remains the main actor when it comes to immigration” (2006, 59, 63), it must be considered a scholarly consensus that nation states are still highly relevant for immigration policymaking.
  • At the same time, the body of literature on European Union immigration policy has grown in pace with the increasing co-operation on immigration regulations in various EU institutions.
  • 2011), the case certainly demonstrates that national governments and parliaments are not always almighty.
  • It should not be credited for all harmonization that takes place.

4.3 Cross national interdependence

  • As Hammar points out, the European immigrant-receiving states “are not independent cases, for the simple reason that they establish and implement their immigration policy under the same economic and political conditions under the influence of the same prevailing ideologies” (1985, 239).
  • National immigration policies in Scandinavia are other countries’ policies.
  • There are frequent, minor changes to regulations, following changes in inflows from specific countries.
  • The subsequent changes in family immigration policies have commonly been credited to the 2001 government shift, but the fact that the number of asylum claims doubled in the three years before the changes were made may have contributed to the decision to restrict policy to such an extent.

5. Methodological issues

  • The methods used in this thesis are predominantly quantitative, using panel analysis, multinomial logistic regression and ordered logistic regression.
  • All three articles also have qualitative elements, such as qualitative content analysis in “the Partisan Influence” and “Is the Press a Political Actor”.
  • This section will first give an overview of the most popular methodological approaches used in the study of immigration and immigration policy.
  • Second, some methodological issues relevant for each article will be discussed separately.
  • In the articles, unequal amount of space was granted methodological issues.

5.1 Methodology and immigration research

  • In the previous chapter, a distinction was made between research on immigration with a state centred approach, and research with an international politics approach.
  • The dominant methodological approach for explaining the development of immigration policy in Western Europe is the historical approach, with varying degrees of comparative elements.
  • Brochmann and Hammar (1999, 20) state that they are taking a “mechanisms” approach, following Elster (1989) and thus focusing “on a delimited number of phenomena that are believed to be significant for understanding the external/internal control dynamics.”.
  • While these historical explanations certainly contribute to understanding cross national differences, they have been less concerned with explaining policy change.
  • Moore and Shellman (2006, 2007) are also among those who have done quantitative research on the causes of migration, and their work is characterised with their strong focus on sending country variables.

5.2 Methodological issues in “The Partisan Influence”

  • This article asks whether it has made difference to immigrant inflows to Norway are influenced by government composition.
  • The parties commonly also stated their preferences on labour and family immigration in their manifestoes, but for the purpose of this article, only statements relevant for asylum related immigration was analysed.
  • These were tested in a panel regression analysis, encompassing a period of 20 years and 143 sending countries.
  • The strength of the within regression model, is that all constant factors are controlled.
  • The difference in the results of the two panels is insignificant.

5.3 Methodological issues in «Is the Press a Political Actor»

  • “Is the Press a Political Actor” studies the role of the press in family immigration policy-making in Norway and Sweden.
  • The tabloid Expressen is also liberal, and for decades it was the largest daily in Scandinavia.
  • The newspaper articles were divided into six categories according to the content of the article.
  • The article seeks to identify the frame the journalist have chosen for writing about family immigration policy.
  • “(t)he mass media’s impact is inferred indirectly based on the observable behavior of individual actors and measurements of media,”(Van Aelst & Walgrave, 2011).

5.4 Methodological issues in «Do Asylum Policies

  • Whereas most studies of policy development in the field of migration adopts a qualitative approach (such as Lahav 2004), “Do Asylum Policies Respond” uses statistical analysis.
  • For the mapping of policy changes in Denmark and Sweden, primarily secondary sources were used.
  • This should be tested over a longer time period, with fewer gaps in data.
  • Marini and Singer (1988) also stress that the time of measurement and the time of influence may be different.
  • Whereas “The Partisan Influence” investigated governments’ impact on the number of accepted refugees, “Do Asylum Policies Respond” look at policy changes.

6. Conclusion

  • The thesis articles all seek to explain Scandinavian immigration.
  • Methodologically, the three articles in the thesis complement each in that, first, they have different scope.
  • “The Partisan Influence” is a single country study, “Is the press a Political Actor” studies both Norway and Sweden, whereas “Do Asylum Policies Respond” encompasses all three Scandinavian countries.
  • What the articles do have in common, however, is the time dimension.
  • The thesis investigates three possible explanations of immigration policy that have previously not been granted sufficient attention.

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Explaining Scandinavian
Immigration Policy 1985-2010.
Parties, Press, and Public Opinion
Frøy Gudbrandsen
Dissertation for the degree philosophiae doctor (PhD)
at the University of Bergen
2012
Dissertation date: June 2012

2

3
Acknowledgements
This has been a lengthy project: Six years, two kids, and one husband after I started
working on it, it certainly feels good to submit. A long list of people have helped me
along the way, and without them the project probably would have shipwrecked long
ago. First and foremost I want to thank my supervisor Jan Oskar Engene. He has been
an excellent supervisor, and has been available for brief questions or longer meetings
whenever I have needed it. Also, he has kept order in the PhD educational formalities,
which is not always a small matter. Warm thanks also to my co-supervisor Astrid
Grasdal, Department of Economics, UIB, for confidently guiding a political scientist
into the econometric world.
The Department of Comparative Politics has been a great place to be a PhD candidate,
where professors generously treat us as peers. Every single one if you deserves special
thanks. But more than anything, it is my fellow PhD candidates who have made this
test of patience bearable - even fun. You are just being great people to be around!
Some of you deserve special attention, though: Sveinung Arnesen, Bjarte Folkestad,
and Vibeke Wang.
Thanks also to all the wonderful statistics people in Scandinavia for providing various
data used in the thesis. Thanks to Kåre Vassenden, Svein Blom and their colleagues at
Statistics Norway, for giving invaluable advice and sharing detailed knowledge
regarding immigration statistics. Thanks to the Scandinavian data archives DDA, SDA
and NSD for excellent service. More often than not, data have been delivered faster
than light.
A large number of people outside the Department of Comparative Politics have helped
and inspired me throughout this journey, and here are some of them, in random order:
Members of the European Politics research group at the Department of Comparative
Politics, members of the Nordic Migration States workshop at NOPSA 2011,
discussants at MPSA 2012, Helga Eggebø, Ingvild Mochmann, scholars at the MZES
in Mannheim, Martin Eide, reviewers in SPS and NNT, members of the IMER

4
network in Bergen, Bo Bøgeskov, participants at the workshop “Political Parties and
Migration Policy Puzzles” in Gothenburg June 2012. And many more.
Lastly, I would like to thank my family. My mother Elisabeth, my father Arve and my
brother Håkon for supporting me in various ways throughout. Special thanks to my
deceased grandmother for her belief in my ability to do whatever task I take on. From
my desktop picture of her (standing on the roof of her house, shovelling show, at the
age of 87), she makes sure I keep up my work ethic. Thanks to my boys Åsmund and
Aslak for the general happiness you give me every day. And more than anything I am
grateful for the moral support from my husband Tor. Thanks for being my husband
and for inspiring me every day with your uncurbed enthusiasm for our discipline.

5
Abstract
This thesis is concerned with explaining Scandinavian immigration policy from 1985-
2010. The overarching research question – what determines immigration and
immigration policy in Scandinavia – is approached from three different angles. The
articles all study immigration to Scandinavia, but emphasise different potential
determinants: political parties, the press and public opinion. The thesis articles thus
apply different theoretical approaches, such as ‘partisan theory’ and ‘government
responsiveness theory’. Together, the articles cover a 25 year time period, and they
encompass all three Scandinavian countries. One article also look into the impact of
sending country determinants, and include data on 143 sending countries. The thesis
studies asylum and family immigration, two out of the three major immigration types
to Scandinavia.
Despite increased international co-operation on immigration, the findings of the
articles also suggest that the national democracies are still central in immigration
policy-making. Political parties are found to influence asylum inflows, and asylum
policy changes in Scandinavia also appear to be in accordance with public policy
changes. However, the press is not found to be a central actor in the making of family
immigration policy neither in Norway nor Sweden. The thesis has a state centred
approach, but acknowledging the influence of international actors and processes in
national immigration policy-making, the limits to national democratic control is
discussed in the synopsis chapter. One of the articles also explicitly tests the relative
importance of national and international determinants of immigration.
The thesis primarily uses quantitative methods: panel regression analysis, multinomial
logistic regression and ordered logistic regression. However, all articles also include
elements of qualitative analyses. This goes in particular for the content analyses of
party manifestoes and newspaper articles in two of the articles. Thus the data material

Citations
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors studied the dynamic reciprocal effects between asylum flows over the last 20 years and found that the intensity of asylum flows represents a significant challenge to national and European policy making.
Abstract: The intensity of asylum flows over the last 20 years represents a significant challenge to national and European policy making. This article studies the dynamic reciprocal effects between asylum ap...

50 citations


Cites background from "Partisan Influence on Immigration: ..."

  • ...Gudbrandsen (2010) finds evidence for the impact of political affiliation of governments on the number of admitted asylum seekers in Norway, with conservative governments significantly lowering the number of admitted refugees....

    [...]

  • ...Of course, this finding does not preclude that in individual countries, the political affiliation of governments influences asylum flows (Gudbrandsen, 2010; Holzer and Schneider, 2002)....

    [...]

  • ...individual countries, the political affiliation of governments influences asylum flows (Gudbrandsen, 2010; Holzer and Schneider, 2002)....

    [...]

  • ...Scholars disagree about the possible impact of economic and political variables, like unemployment and societal support for right populist parties (Gudbrandsen, 2010; Hatton et al., 2004; Holzer and Schneider, 2002; Holzer et al., 2000a, 2000b; Neumayer, 2004, 2005)....

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TL;DR: This article explored the impact of anti-immigration parties on the electoral success of right-wing political parties and found that the parties actually have little impact on the outcome of the election. Furt...
Abstract: With the increased electoral success of anti-immigration parties, questions regarding whatimpact the parties actually have naturally follow. Previous research has rarely explored thisquestion. Furt ...

36 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: High levels of consistency are found between expert positioning, manual sentence-by-sentence coding and manual checklist coding and poor or inconsistent results with the CMP, Wordscores, Wordfish and the dictionary approach.
Abstract: We provide a systematic assessment of various methods to position political parties on immigration, a policy domain that does not necessarily overlap with left–right and is characterized by varying...

36 citations


Cites methods from "Partisan Influence on Immigration: ..."

  • ...Harmel et al. (1995) used this approach in the Party Change Project4; Gudbrandsen (2010) applied it to positions on refugee immigration in Norway coding three broad scores – restrictive, liberal and neutral (or no statements) – but the approach is not in wider use....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article provides an empirical demonstration of the iterative expert survey approach in estimating parties’ policy positions in the context of a voting advice application in Germany, and argues that the method has considerable potential to generate valid and reliable data on party positions cross-nationally and retrospectively.
Abstract: This article introduces the iterative expert survey approach in estimating parties’ policy positions. Methodologically, the proposed approach is based on the tradition of ‘judgemental’ coding in the content analysis of political text, and incorporates the idea of anonymous iteration among a panel of expert coders taken from the method known as ‘Delphi’. Anonymous iteration presents an effective way of reducing the random error, and potential bias arising from inter-expert/coder disagreement evident in other popular methods. I provide an empirical demonstration of the approach by estimating parties’ policy positions in the context of a voting advice application in Germany, and argue that the method has considerable potential to generate valid and reliable data on party positions cross-nationally and retrospectively

33 citations


Additional excerpts

  • ..., 2003; Dolezal, 2008; de Lange, 2007; Gemenis and Dinas, 2010), ‘holistic grading’ (Hawkins, 2009), the ‘check-list approach’ (Gudbrandsen, 2010; Odmalm, 2012; Ruedin, 2013), and the coding scheme of the INTUNE project (Conti and Memoli, 2012)....

    [...]

  • ...…the ‘confrontational approach’ (Pellikaan et al., 2003; Dolezal, 2008; de Lange, 2007; Gemenis and Dinas, 2010), ‘holistic grading’ (Hawkins, 2009), the ‘check-list approach’ (Gudbrandsen, 2010; Odmalm, 2012; Ruedin, 2013), and the coding scheme of the INTUNE project (Conti and Memoli, 2012)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined different methods for obtaining party positions on immigration in retrospective and found that most methods differentiate the same order of party positions, while there are high correlations between many methods, the different methods tend not to agree on the exact positions.
Abstract: The position of political parties on policy issues is crucial for many questions of political science, including studies of political representation. This research note examines different methods for obtaining party positions on immigration in retrospective. Party positions are obtained using pooled expert surveys, manual coding of party manifestos with a conventional codebook, manual coding of manifestos using check-lists, and automatic coding of manifestos using Wordscores and a dictionary of keywords respectively. In addition, positions from a media analysis and a retrospec- tive evaluation of researchers in the field of immigration are used. The results suggest that most methods differentiate the same order of party positions. While there are high correlations between many methods, the different methods tend not to agree on the exact positions. The automatic dictionary approach does not seem to measure party positions reliably.

32 citations

References
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Book
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: The third edition of the 3rd edition of as mentioned in this paper is the most comprehensive survey of international migration in the post-Cold-War era of globalization, focusing on the formation of ethnic minorities.
Abstract: Preface to the 3rd Edition - Introduction - The Migratory Process and the Formation of Ethnic Minorities - International Migration Before 1945 - Migration to Highly Developed Countries since 1945 - The State of International Migration: The Quest for Control - The Next Waves: The Globalization of International Migration - New Migrations in the Asia-Pacific Region - Migrants and Minorities in the Labour Force - The Migratory Process: A Comparison of Australia and Germany - New Ethnic Minorities and Society - Migrants and Politics - Conclusion: Migration in the Post Cold-War Era of Globalization

3,041 citations

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01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: The fifth edition of this leading text has been substantially revised to provide an up-to-date and comprehensive assessment of the nature, extent and dimensions of international population movements, as well as of their consequences.
Abstract: International migration is a central feature of the contemporary world. The fifth edition of this leading text has been substantially revised to provide an up-to-date and comprehensive assessment of the nature, extent and dimensions of international population movements, as well as of their consequences. Taking full account of the latest developments, including the impact of the global economic crisis and the relationship of globalization to migration, this text firmly contextualizes the main issues, theories and history that contribute to the field. This latest edition has extensive coverage of regional case studies, as well as additional material that examines the effect of climate change on migration. The book's companion website helps to consolidate learning by providing additional resources, including further case studies, links to external web-pages and a web-only chapter.

1,925 citations

Book
18 Jan 1996
TL;DR: This book discusses the development of public policy levels, methods, and units in the post-modern era, as well as some of the aspects of policy formation and change that have changed over the years.
Abstract: This book surveys a wealth of British, American, and Canadian studies of public policy making, and proposes a model of the policy process which identifies relevant forces at work in the policy process and aids in the understanding of policy change and development.

1,901 citations

Book
15 Apr 1996
TL;DR: Sassen argues that a profound transformation is taking place, a partial denationalizing of national territory seen in such agreements as NAFTA and the European Union as discussed by the authors, and that two arenas stand out in the new spatial and economic order: the global capital market and the series of codes and institutions that have mushroomed into an international human rights regime.
Abstract: From the Publisher: What determines the flow of labor and capital in this new global information economy? Who has the capacity to coordinate this new system, to create a measure of order? And what happens to territoriality and sovereignty, two fundamental principles of the modern state? Losing Control? is a major addition to our understanding of these questions. Examining the rise of private transnational legal codes and supranational institutions such as the World Trade Organization and universal human rights covenants, Saskia Sassen argues that sovereignty remains an important feature of the international system, but that it is no longer confined to the nation-state. Sassen argues that a profound transformation is taking place, a partial denationalizing of national territory seen in such agreements as NAFTA and the European Union. Two arenas stand out in the new spatial and economic order: the global capital market and the series of codes and institutions that have mushroomed into an international human rights regime. As Sassen shows, these two quasi-legal realms now have the power and legitimacy to demand accountability from national governments, with the ironic twist that both depend upon the state to enforce their goals.

1,635 citations


"Partisan Influence on Immigration: ..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000)....

    [...]

Book
13 Mar 1998
TL;DR: Garrett as mentioned in this paper showed that globalization has strengthened the relationship between the political power of the left and organized labour and economic policies that reduce market-generated inequalities of risk and wealth, and macroeconomic outcomes in the era of global markets have been as good or better in strong left-labour regimes ('social democratic corporatism') as in other industrial countries.
Abstract: Geoffrey Garrett challenges the conventional wisdom about the domestic effects of the globalization of markets in the industrial democracies: the erosion of national autonomy and the demise of leftist alternatives to the free market. He demonstrates that globalization has strengthened the relationship between the political power of the left and organized labour and economic policies that reduce market-generated inequalities of risk and wealth. Moreover, macroeconomic outcomes in the era of global markets have been as good or better in strong left-labour regimes ('social democratic corporatism') as in other industrial countries. Pessimistic visions of the inexorable dominance of capital over labour or radical autarkic and nationalist backlashes against markets are significantly overstated. Electoral politics have not been dwarfed by market dynamics as social forces. Globalized markets have not rendered immutable the efficiency-equality trade-off.

1,470 citations


"Partisan Influence on Immigration: ..." refers background in this paper

  • ...The Case for the Partisan Theory The partisan theory suggests that the party composition of government influences policy outcomes (see, e.g., Hibbs 1992; Schmidt 1996; Garrett 1998)....

    [...]

Frequently Asked Questions (2)
Q1. What are the contributions mentioned in the paper "Explaining scandinavian immigration policy 1985-2010" ?

The articles all study immigration to Scandinavia, but emphasise different potential determinants: political parties, the press and public opinion. The thesis articles thus apply different theoretical approaches, such as ‘ partisan theory ’ and ‘ government responsiveness theory ’. Together, the articles cover a 25 year time period, and they encompass all three Scandinavian countries. Despite increased international co-operation on immigration, the findings of the articles also suggest that the national democracies are still central in immigration policy-making. One of the articles also explicitly tests the relative importance of national and international determinants of immigration. This goes in particular for the content analyses of party manifestoes and newspaper articles in two of the articles. 

Just as important as the possibility for causal explanations, is perhaps that the thesis gives a portrayal of immigration policy and politics over time. However, neither of the research questions addressed in the articles are exhausted, and in the methodology section I have suggested some possible approaches for future research. The dynamics between the mass media, political parties and public opinion in immigration policy-making is intriguing and deserves substantial scholarly attention in the future.