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Journal ArticleDOI

Patterns of criminal achievement in sexual offending: Unravelling the “successful” sex offender

01 Sep 2011-Journal of Criminal Justice (Pergamon)-Vol. 39, Iss: 5, pp 433-444
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined significant variations in criminal achievement across sex offenders and proposed a concept of achievement in sexual offending defined as the ability to maximise the payoffs of a crime opportunity while minimizing the costs.
About: This article is published in Journal of Criminal Justice.The article was published on 2011-09-01 and is currently open access. It has received 91 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Sex offender & Criminal justice.

Summary (5 min read)

Literature Review Criminal Achievement

  • Criminologists typically understand the criminal career to represent the longitudinal sequence of crimes committed by an individual offender.
  • A fourth theme emerged more recently, as research on the sociology of crime and criminal achievement, the role of mentorship, criminal networks, and professionalization has helped garnered information about the "successful criminal" (e.g., Bouchard & Nguyen, 2010; McCarthy & Hagan, 2001; Nguyen & Bouchard, 2011; Tremblay & Morselli, 2000; Morselli & Tremblay, 2004; Tremblay, 2010) .
  • The focus of criminal achievement studies is not so much the volume of criminal activity or the individual frequency rate of offending, or lambda (λ), but the examination of whether crime pays, what the payoffs are, and for whom.
  • Performance and efficiency therefore represent the maximization of gains relative to the number of crime(s) perpetrated which is distinct from λ.
  • Mixed evidence has been found regarding the impact of conventional capital (such as educational attainment and involvement in the legitimate labour market) on criminal earnings (e.g., Charest & Tremblay, 2009; McCarthy & Hagan, 2001; Tremblay & Morselli, 2000) .

Criminal Achievement and Sexual Offenders

  • At first glance, the idea of an offender contemplating the idea of pursuing his criminal career for monetary gains, goods, status, and prestige could not be more remote than the one involving an offender contemplating the idea of committing a sex crime.
  • This group is of particular interest here.
  • Further, the authors argue that criminal achievement may be measured just as well with sex offenders as it is with money oriented offenders.
  • The challenge, however, lies in translating the concept into theoretically meaningful indicators.

Sexual Offending and the Maximization of Pay-Offs

  • The measure of criminal earnings has been at the forefront of past research on criminal achievement.
  • Whether the money is earned efficiently or not becomes almost secondary.
  • The authors believe that the translation of pay-off issues to sexual offending requires that the frequency of crime commission becomes in itself, part of the indicator of success.
  • This is why the number of victims should also be taken into account.

Cost Avoidance and Sexual Offending

  • Criminal achievement as offending productivity would be incomplete without the concept of impunity and cost avoidance.
  • Generally speaking, research in economic and market offences has shown that offenders differ in terms of their ability to avoid detection (e.g., Bouchard & Nguyen, 2010; Bouchard & Ouellet, 2011; Kazemian & LeBlanc, 2007; McCarthy & Hagan, 2001) .
  • While it is understood that official data on offending is only capturing a proportion of the total criminal activity of sex offenders, Gene Abel's oft-cited self-report study on men referred to his clinic (Abel et al., 1987 ; see also Weinrott & Saylor, 1991) suggested that this proportion may be minuscule 2 .
  • Those numbers were less spectacular and might explain the fact that they went almost unnoticed by the scientific community.
  • Indeed, their findings highlighted the fact that when a child victim was targeted, an adult friend or relative was usually reporting the event to the police.

Sample

  • As part of a research project on recidivism, all individuals consecutively admitted to a Canadian federal penitentiary for a sex crime between April 1994 and June 2000 were recruited.
  • At the time of the study, all participants were incarcerated in a maximum security institution operated by the Correctional Service of Canada.
  • On average participants stayed at the Reception Centre for about six to eight weeks while their level of risk and rehabilitative needs were assessed.
  • Also, 16.3 percent of this sample offended only against their biological child(ren) (intrafamilial, or incest), while 77.5 percent offended against victims other than their child(ren) , and 6.2% offended against both intra and extra familial victims.

Procedures

  • All study participants met individually with a research assistant in the weeks after their admission to the penitentiary.
  • The offenders included in this sample had received their classification risk (i.e., low, medium, high) and were awaiting their transfer into another institution when they met with the research assistant.
  • Furthermore, subjects did not receive any compensation (e.g., money) for their participation in this study.
  • The participants signed an additional consent form allowing access to their Corrections files.
  • RCMP data was then used to establish offenders' criminal histories.

Measures Actuarial Risk of Sexual Recidivism

  • For descriptive purposes, the scores on the Static-99 (Hanson & Thornton, 2000) were used to inspect the level of actuarial risk in this sample of adult sex offenders.
  • The instrument also includes items related to sexual offences (e.g., gender of victim) and sociodemographic indicators (e.g., age; marital status).
  • Scores vary between zero and twelve (a higher score indicative of a higher risk) and are indicative of the risk status of the individual: (a) low; (b) mediumlow; (c) medium-high, and; (d) high-risk.
  • Because of the small number of high-risk offenders, this group was collapsed with the medium-high risk group for analyses.
  • The Static-99 was scored based on information available at prison admission.

Measures of sexual crime achievement

  • Table 1 presents the indicators used and the coding for each of them.
  • The key variables for this study were the number of sexual crime events and the number of victims as they allow the computation of offending productivity.
  • This indicator also allows examining the link between past conviction and criminal achievement and answer questions such as whether those with a prior sex crime conviction are detected or convicted sooner than others.
  • For cost avoidance, the authors included a measure indicating the time that elapsed between the onset of offending (i.e., date of first crime event) and the beginning of sentencing (i.e., date at prison admission).
  • The time gap between detection and prison admission vary across sex offenders.

Measures of Conventional and Criminal Capital

  • Conventional capital refers to the investments individuals make in education, training, and health (Becker, 1962) .
  • In the current study, four indicators were selected in line with prior research in this field; the level of education (Mean=2.3; SD=1.4), employment (employed=37.8%), in a stable intimate relationship (Yes=39.6%) as well as the absence of drug problems (or absence of regular drug use) (55.2%).
  • McCarthy and Hagan (2001) have proposed instead that criminal human and criminal social capital may be more relevant than conventional capital to the issue criminal achievement.
  • The authors also included a measure representing the percentage of time free or not incarcerated since turning 18 years old (Mean=72.2; SD=28.4).
  • Hence, these two indicators of criminal capital were included on the assumption that the most successful sex offenders are more specialized in sex crimes and are least likely to use physical violence during their offence and have more criminal experience.

Analytical Strategy

  • The analyses are divided in three sections.
  • First, the authors looked at the offending productivity broken down into multiple categories to determine the prevalence of offenders along the continuum of productivity, but also to inspect how heterogeneity in offending productivity varies in terms of nature and rate of sexual offending, cost avoidance, and actuarial risk status.
  • The models analyzed were conducted using negative binomial regression with a log link.
  • The same strategy was used for λ .
  • Hazard ratios with 95% C.I. were reported.

Descriptive Analyses of Criminal Achievement

  • Table 2 presents descriptive information on the criminal achievement of the sample of adult sex offenders.
  • Keeping in mind that the missing data was very small, only one trend emerged -i.e., missing data for the number of crime events did not appear to be occurring randomly with respect to age (pb.05) and time-to-sentence (pb.10).
  • --Insert Table 2--For descriptive purposes, the offending productivity indicator was broken down into multiple categories and crosstabulated with several indicators of productivity, cost-avoidance, sexual offending and actuarial risk (Table 3 ).
  • When λ is based on the number of victims, the picture is reversed suggesting that offenders with a low event-to-victim ratio have a victim-rate higher than those with a high event-to-victim ratio.
  • In fact, 44% of the offenders with an event-to victim ratio of 1 were either medium-high or high risk sex offenders according to the Static-99.

Lambda (λ) of Sexual Offending

  • The λ of events and victims were both examined using negative binomial regression analyses 7 .
  • The λ increased with the offender's age (OR=1.05) meaning that the older the offenders were, the higher their rate of offending was.
  • Note that these effects remained after holding constant their indicators of conventional and criminal capital (Model 3).
  • The one exception to this trend is the use of physical violence.

--Insert Table 4--

  • The next set of regression models examined confirms that the covariates of the λ based on the number of victims were operating differently than with the ones based on the λ of the number of crime events.
  • Whereas a positive relationship between age and number of events was found earlier, a negative relationship is now found between age and number of victims (Model 1).
  • The association with intrafamilial victim became marginally significant (p>.10) in model 3, suggesting a separation between incestuous aggressors and others when it comes to offending against multiple victims.
  • In model 2, it can be observed that conventional and criminal capitals are not significantly associated with λ.
  • Additional analyses were performed to determine whether their findings were attributable to extreme cases in the sample or describing a trend in the data.

Covariates of cost avoidance Detection Avoidance

  • Cox proportional hazard models were conducted to examine the covariates of time-to-sentence or the ability to avoid and delay detection.
  • Hazard ratios for each of the covariates tested in the four tested models are presented in Table 5 .
  • The association between a prior record and time-to-sentence reinforces this idea that official data on offending captures, at least in part, cost avoidance.
  • These three indicators remained significantly related to time-to-sentence after adjusting for other covariates (Model 4; Model 5).
  • Similarly, the λ of sex offending, both in terms of events (HR=.98) and victim(HR=.27) was associated with the ability to delay detection (Model 2), and the effect remained after adjusting for all other covariates (Model 4).

Sanction Avoidance

  • The same modeling strategy was used to examine the covariates of sanction avoidance (Table 5 ).
  • Using the length prison sentence as a dependent variable here was pivotal to determine whether: (1) the most productive offenders were also those receiving the more stringent sentences, and; (2) the offenders who were the most efficient at avoiding and delaying detection also received more lenient sentences.
  • The effects disappeared after controlling for criminal capital suggesting that criminal capital may have carried more weight on the judges' decision than the victim characteristics analyzed here.
  • This result is consistent with the one observed for detection avoidance.
  • Recall that crime specialization is the only indicator consistently associated with their measures of offending productivity.

Discussion

  • Criminal achievement has traditionally been investigated in economic and market crimes in terms of monetary gains (e.g., McCarthy & Hagan, 2001; Morselli & Tremblay, 2004; Nguyen & Bouchard, 2011; Tremblay & Morselli, 2000) .
  • The finding may speak to the nature of offending opportunities in sex crimes as it might be easier for the rational and strategic offenders to repeat offending against a vulnerable victim than finding another one.
  • The authors study findings presented evidence that productivity and detection avoidance are intricately linked.
  • More specifically, the number of victims may be more reflective of official data than the number of crime events, which may be more reflective of the actual offending behaviors.
  • The successful" offender and the "high-risk" offender.

Conclusion

  • The study relied on two dimensions of criminal achievement, productivity and cost avoidance, and showed their relevance beyond the study of economic and market offences, more specifically for the study of sexual offending.
  • Indeed, using concepts from the criminal achievement literature, the current study examined and found much discrepancy between sex offenders in terms of their offending productivity and cost avoidance.
  • The study does show that judges took the criminal capital of the offender's into consideration, but not in a manner necessarily congruent with their findings.
  • The simple fact is that the criminal justice system may not respond to these individuals in away that may deter them from reoffending once released from prison.
  • Length of the prison sentence in years for the index crime.

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Citations
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors claim that measures of sexual recidivism provide a distorted view of the criminal activity of adult sex offenders and highlight the complexities of the sexual criminal career of adult offenders.

84 citations


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  • ...Lussier et al. (2011) investigated the presence of prolific offenders in a sample of adult males convicted for a sex crime....

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  • ...This is because victimization surveys do not take into account the impact of individuals offending against multiple victims and the fact that a small group of offenders are responsible for a high proportion of crimes (e.g., Abel & Rouleau, 1990; Lussier et al., 2011)....

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  • ...This point was illustrated in an empirical study by Lussier, Bouchard, and Beauregard (2011)....

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  • ...nature of the offending behavior and the various offending strategies adopted by sex offenders (Lussier et al., 2011)....

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  • ...In the case of sexual offending, this is due in part to the nature of the offending behavior and the various offending strategies adopted by sex offenders (Lussier et al., 2011)....

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References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is suggested that delinquency conceals 2 distinct categories of individuals, each with a unique natural history and etiology: a small group engages in antisocial behavior of 1 sort or another at every life stage, whereas a larger group is antisocial only during adolescence.
Abstract: This chapter suggests that delinquency conceals two distinct categories of individuals, each with a unique natural history and etiology: A small group engages in antisocial behavior of one sort or another at every life stage, whereas a larger group is antisocial only during adolescence. According to the theory of life-course-persistent antisocial behavior, children's neuropsychological problems interact cumulatively with their criminogenic environments across development, culminating m a pathological personality. According to the theory of adolescence-limited antisocial behavior, a contemporary maturity gap encourages teens to mimic antisocial behavior in ways that are normative and adjustive. There are marked individual differences in the stability of antisocial behavior. The chapter reviews the mysterious relationship between age and antisocial behavior. Some youths who refrain from antisocial behavior may, for some reason, not sense the maturity gap and therefore lack the hypothesized motivation for experimenting with crime.

9,425 citations


"Patterns of criminal achievement in..." refers background in this paper

  • ...…(b) the understanding of criminal persistence by examining the role of formative years, early life stages and the study of the “early onset” offender (e.g., Moffitt, 1993), and; (c) the life events, life transitions, informal controls, and the study of the “desistor” (e.g., Sampson & Laub, 2005)....

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors trace the use and meaning of rape from Biblical times through to Bangladesh and Vietnam, unravels the origins of rape laws in medieval codes and examines interracial and homosexual rape and child molestation.
Abstract: The author shows why she considers rape not to be just a brutal crime but a reflection of how our society is conditioned. To do this she traces the use and meaning of rape from Biblical times through to Bangladesh and Vietnam, unravels the origins of rape laws in medieval codes and examines interracial and homosexual rape and child molestation. She also includes a discussion of Freudian sexual psychology, legal defence strategy and the message behind popular books, magazines and films. Always, she argues, the myths generated by the latter serve to glamorize the victim while they romanticize the rapist - even in cases of rape murder.

2,592 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The findings support published assertions of high rates of rape and other forms of sexual aggression among large normal populations and are limited in generalizability to postsecondary students.
Abstract: Because of inadequacies in the methods used to measure sexual assault, national crime statistics, criminal victimization studies, convictions, or incarceration rates fail to reflect the true scope of rape Studies that have avoided the limitations of these methods have revealed very high rates of overt rape and lesser degrees of sexual aggression The goal of the present study was to extend previous work to a national basis The Sexual Experiences Survey was administered to a national sample of 6,159 women and men enrolled in 32 institutions representative of the diversity of higher education settings across the United States Women's reports of experiencing and men's reports of perpetrating rape, attempted rape, sexual coercion, and sexual contact were obtained, including both the rates of prevalence since age 14 and of incidence during the previous year The findings support published assertions of high rates of rape and other forms of sexual aggression among large normal populations Although the results are limited in generalizabil ity to postsecondary students, this group represents 26% of all persons aged 18-24 in the United States The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) defines rape as "carnal knowledge of a female forcibly and against her consent" and reports that 87,340 such offenses occurred in 1985 (FBI, 1986) However, these figures greatly underestimate the true scope of rape because they are based only on instances reported to police Government estimates suggest that for every rape reported, 3-10 rapes are committed but not reported (Law Enforcement Assistance Administration [LEAA], 1975) Likewise, it is difficult to obtain realistic estimates of the number of men who perpetrate rape because only a fraction of reported rapes eventually result in conviction (Clark & Lewis, 1977) Victimization studies, such as the annual National Crime Survey (NCS), are the major avenue through which the full extent of the crime is estimated (eg, Bureau of Justice Statistics [BJS], 1984) In these studies, the residents of a standard sampling area are asked to indicate those crimes of which they or anyone else in their household have been victims during the previous 6 months These rates are then compared with official crime statistics for the area and the rate of unreported crime is esti

2,547 citations

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TL;DR: The results suggest that applied risk assessments of sexual offenders should consider separately the offender's risk for sexual and nonsexual recidivism.
Abstract: reoffending than those who completed treatment. The predictors of nonsexual violent recidivism and general (any) recidivism were similar to those predictors found among nonsexual criminals (e.g., prior violent offenses, age, juvenile deliquency). Our results suggest that applied risk assessments of sexual offenders should consider separately the offender's risk for sexual and nonsexual recidivism. Assessing chronicity is crucial for clients whose sexual behaviors have brought them into conflict with the law. Many exceptional criminal justice policies, such as postsentence detention (e.g., Anderson & Masters, 1992), lifetime community supervision, and community notification, target those sexual offenders likely to reoffend. Clinicians need to judge whether the client's behaviors are truly atypical of the individual (as the client would like us to believe) or whether the client merits a virtually permanent label as a sexual offender.

2,253 citations


"Patterns of criminal achievement in..." refers background in this paper

  • ...…investigations to the following three criminal activity features: (a) frequency, and to a lesser extent λ; (b) recidivism or the likelihood of being re-arrested again during a determined follow-up period, and; (c) crime specialization (e.g., Hanson & Bussière, 1998; Lussier, 2005; Soothill, 2010)....

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  • ...In fact, recidivism studies may include few successful offenders as the follow-up period is typically very short (around 5 years) (Hanson & Bussière, 1998). to secure a regular access to a vulnerable child – e.g., members of the clergy (e.g., Langevin, Curnoe & Bain, 2000; Tallon & Terry, 2008),…...

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Frequently Asked Questions (1)
Q1. What are the contributions in this paper?

The current study examines significant variations in criminal achievement across sex offenders. To examine the “ successful ” sex offender, the study proposes a concept of achievement in sexual offending defined as the ability to maximize the payoffs of a crime opportunity while minimizing the costs. The study is based on a sample of convicted adult male sex offenders using retrospective longitudinal data. The study findings show a wide variation in criminal achievement, a variation that is not correlated with the severity of sentences meted out or the actuarial risk scores obtained by these offenders. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to P. Lussier, Pavillon Charles-De Koninck, 1030, ave. Patterns of criminal achievement in sexual offending: Unravelling the “ successful ” sex offender After more than 50 years of research on sexual recidivism, researchers have been unable to provide a formal evidence-based explanation of the criminal activity of sexual offenders. In that regard, this study is a departure from past research on this issue. The aim is not to identify a predictive model of sexual recidivism but rather to understand what is being predicted and who is being identified in the process. While it could be argued that studying inmates for criminal achievement is paradoxical given that they have already been caught, an analysis of both the criminal earnings ( Morselli & Tremblay, 2004 ), and the study of sanction avoidance ( Bouchard & Ouellet, 2011 ; Kazemian & LeBlanc, 2007 ) of inmates show much variations prior to incarceration. In the next section, the authors first review the scientific literature on criminal achievement and relevant findings to approach the issue of offending productivity and cost avoidance in sex offenders. Since the publication of the “ Criminal Careers and Career Criminals ” ( Blumstein, Cohen, Roth, & Visher, 1986 ), research on this issue has evolved around three main themes: ( a ) the modeling of offending, the longitudinal sequence of crimes, crime PATTERNS OF CRIMINAL ACHIEVEMENT IN SEXUAL OFFENDING 4 specialization, and the study of the “ chronic offender ” ( e. g., Farrington & Loeber, 1998 ) ; ( b ) the understanding of criminal persistence by examining the role of formative years, early life stages and the study of the “ early onset ” offender ( e. g., Moffitt, 1993 ), and ; ( c ) the life events, life transitions, informal controls, and the study of the “ desistor ” ( e. g., Sampson & Laub, 2005 ). The study of criminal achievement has its roots mostly in the study of economic and market crimes. While the concepts of career and achievement are perhaps more intuitively suited for the study for economic and market-type offences, their application to sexual offending is certainly worth consideration. The rational and strategic sex offender ( Beauregard & Leclerc, 2007 ) may use deception, manipulation, alcohol/drugs, coercion, threat and/or physical violence to obtain sexual gratifications ( e. g., Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987 ; Leclerc, 1 Like market offences ( e. g., Tremblay & Morselli, 2000 ), sex crimes provide a variety of benefits to the offender, including psychological benefits such as intimacy, self-esteem, excitement ( thrill ), power, control, and retribution ( Felson, 2002 ; Groth, 1979 ; Knight & Prentky, 1990 ; Lussier, Proulx, & LeBlanc, 2005 ; Marshall, 1989 ; Baumeister, Catanese, & Wallace, 2002 ). More recent studies have shown empirical evidence supporting the importance sexual gratifications in sexual offending, without denying the presence of other benefits it can provide the offender ( e. g., Bryden & Grier, 2011 ; Lussier, Proulx, et al., 2005 ; Mann & Hollin, 2007 ). The current study therefore aims to examine whether criminal achievement in sex offending is a viable concept. Researchers have limited their investigations to the following three criminal activity features: ( a ) frequency, and to a lesser extent λ ; ( b ) recidivism or the likelihood of being re-arrested again during a determined follow-up period, and ; ( c ) crime specialization ( e. g., Hanson & Bussière, 1998 ; Lussier, 2005 ; Soothill, 2010 ). To their knowledge, the concept of criminal achievement in sex offending has never been examined. The predominance of a psychiatric approach to the issue of sexual offending is no stranger to this situation given that, under this perspective, sex offenders are driven by uncontrollable fantasies and urges creating significant amount of distress to the perpetrator ( e. g., see Laws & O'Donohue, 2008 ; Task Force Report of the American Psychiatric Association, 1999 ). This framework is limiting for their purposes in that it reduces achievement to earnings indicators, thereby excluding other potential indicators of success such as the ability to avoid detection, or any other non financial benefits from crime. While it is understood that official data on offending is only capturing a proportion of the total criminal activity of sex offenders, Gene Abel 's oft-cited self-report study on men referred to his clinic ( Abel et al., 1987 ; see also Weinrott & Saylor, 1991 ) suggested that this proportion may be minuscule. Two decades earlier, however, Gebhard et al. ( 1965 ) conducted a large survey of sex offenders in a prison setting and reported that about 15 % of sex crimes committed by sexual aggressors of women were unknown by the authorities. Indeed, their findings highlighted the fact that when a child victim was targeted, an adult friend or relative was usually reporting the event to the police. When a female adult was targeted, it is typically the victim herself who reported, which may also explain why these offenders were more likely to be arrested. For example, the 224 heterosexual child molesters interviewed revealed a total of 4,435 victims, the 153 homosexual child molesters were responsible for 22,981 victims while the 126 rapists interviewed reported 882 victims. In total, 93 % of individuals approached ( n=553 ) agreed to participate in the study. At the time of the study, all participants were incarcerated in a maximum security institution operated by the Correctional Service of Canada. The study is based on the first 373 consecutive cases who agreed to participate. Complete and detailed information on the criminal career was made available for the first 373 recruited cases and, as a result, this group was selected for this study. The study was based on the first 373 of the 553 consecutive admissions at the penitentiary, or between 1994 and 1998. The authors conducted a series of comparative analyses to determine whether the 373 offenders selected were comparable or different to the 160 excluded cases using a series of descriptive indicators. This difference suggests a temporal effect in the offender 's age at admission during the study period ( 1994–2000 ), where relatively older offenders were incarcerated towards the end of the study period. Age at prison admission was added as a covariate for this study. Participation in this study was strictly voluntary, and all subjects signed a consent form indicating that the information collected would be used for research purposes only. Furthermore, subjects did not receive any compensation ( e. g., money ) for their participation in this study. Correctional files were used to code information on the criminal history of each individual included in the study. The key variables for this study were the number of sexual crime events and the number of victims as they allow the computation of offending productivity. This information was available for 369 of the 373 subjects included in the study. One study conducted on child sexual abuse cases reported that the time between law enforcement report and disposition took less than one year in 12 % of the cases analyzed but more than two years in 36 % ( Walsh, Lippert, Cross, Maurice, & Davison, 2008. Level of physical violence was added as a proxy for criminal capital as more successful offenders may possess the skills and knowledge to avoid excessive physical violence which may increase the likelihood of victim physical/verbal resistance and of reporting the crime to the police. The authors also PATTERNS OF CRIMINAL ACHIEVEMENT IN SEXUAL OFFENDING 14 included a measure representing the percentage of time free or not incarcerated since turning 18 years old ( Mean=72. 2 ; SD=28. 4 ). Second, the authors inspected the covariates of offending productivity to analyze the characteristics of the most successful sex offenders in terms of the nature of their sexual offending, socio-demographics, criminal and conventional capital. Although the four productivity indicators were analyzed, the authors only report here the covariates of the λ of crime events and the λ of victims due to space limitations. For all covariates examined the odds ratios are presented with a 95 % confidence interval 5 Offending productivity as defined in the current study has a time-component embedded into it which explains their decision to include two λ indicators. The regression models were conducted to inspect three set of factors: ( a ) Model 1 is a baseline model that included only offender 's age, type of victim targeted, prior conviction for a sex crime ; ( b ) Model 2 introduced measures of conventional and criminal capital specifically, and ; ( 3 ) Model 3 combined all indicators into a single model. In the third section, the covariates of both detection and sanction avoidance were examined. Again, a wide gap between mean and 6 Hence, of the 373 cases included in this study, a maximum of 16 was lost in multivariate analyses due to missing data ( 4. 3 % ). Conclusions: Results suggest that the successful sex offender is not “ detected ” once he enters the criminal justice system, nor is he handled in a way that may deter him from sexually reoffending in the future. By targeting offenders who are more likely to be rearrested or reconvicted as suggested by empirical studies, research may have systematically overlooked an important subgroup of sex offenders that do not fit the usual patterns. The authors believe that the same may apply to individuals committing sex crimes. The authors further make the argument that a majority of individuals committing a sex crime approach their sex offence in the same way they would approach any other type of crime. Further, the authors argue that criminal achievement may be measured just as well with PATTERNS OF CRIMINAL ACHIEVEMENT IN SEXUAL OFFENDING 7 sex offenders as it is with money oriented offenders. One needs to go no further than Morselli and Royer ( 2008: 7 ) who defined the criminal achievement framework as built on three premises: ( 1 ) crime is a means to an end ; ( 2 ) financial outcomes are fitting indicators of such ends ; and ( 3 ) once the authors identify the factors that account for variations in financial outcomes from crime they can distinguish the significant minority of serious offenders ( in that they take crime seriously ) from the majority of opportunistic, sporadic, and lower earning offenders. The authors believe that the translation of pay-off issues to sexual offending requires that the frequency of crime commission becomes in itself, part of the indicator of success. Yet, these numbers were informative in suggesting that q ( the risk of apprehension ) may increase when the offender is not a relative of the victim and when violence is used. Gebhard et al. 's study was also informative in suggesting that different criminal opportunities could condition the risk of apprehension. These numbers not only suggested that all sex offenders were extremely active, but also that q ( risk of apprehension ) was extremely low. Furthermore, individual rates of offending ( and variation of ) were not presented, creating the impression that all sex offenders were chronic sexual deviates, an impression that was well suited to the idea that all sex offenders were in need of a specialized assessment/treatment in a clinical setting. There have been mixed results about the role of conventional capital in criminal achievement suggesting that conventional capital might be irrelevant to criminal earnings but important to the ability to avoid detection ( see McCarthy & Hagan, 2001 ; Kazemian & LeBlanc, 2007 ; Tremblay & Morselli, 2000 ). 

Trending Questions (1)
What happens when an offender has high Pattern of Criminal offending?

The paper does not provide information about what happens when an offender has a high pattern of criminal offending. The paper focuses on examining variations in criminal achievement among sex offenders.