scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
Journal ArticleDOI

Peer influence on speeding behaviour among male drivers aged 18 and 28.

01 Mar 2014-Accident Analysis & Prevention (Elsevier Publishing)-Vol. 64, pp 92-99
TL;DR: Preventative measures should take different influences of peer pressure into account by using a peer-based approach for the 18-year-olds and a more individual approaches for the 28- year-olds.
About: This article is published in Accident Analysis & Prevention.The article was published on 2014-03-01 and is currently open access. It has received 100 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Peer group & Peer pressure.

Summary (3 min read)

1. Introduction

  • Among other constructs, the inclusion of descriptive subjective norm, which measures beliefs about other people's speeding, significantly contributed to explaining variance in speeding intention (Cestac et al., 2011; Forward, 2009) .
  • Such as socio-demographic, attitudinal and behavioural variables.

2.1. Data collection

  • Data for the survey was collected by postal questionnaires using one reminder letter.
  • The questionnaire consisted of a combination of questions used in a previous study on a related matter (see Møller and Gregersen, 2008) and questions developed specifically for this study based on a Danish study on social norms (see Balvig et al., 2005) .
  • A stamped and addressed envelope was enclosed in all letters with the questionnaire.
  • Thus half of the sample was 18-years-old with 6-12 months of driving experience.

2.3. Statistical analysis

  • A linear regression analysis was conducted to analyze which variables predicted driving at excessive speed.
  • As predictors, socio-demographic and behavioural variables were used, as well as attitudes and subjective norms.

2.4. Respondents

  • While almost none of the young drivers (.6%) had children yet, a third (32.9%) of the older age group were parents.
  • These differences will be controlled for in the regression analysis predicted driving at excessive speed (see Section 3.4).

3.1. Driving behaviour and fines for traffic offences

  • Regarding fines for offending the traffic rules, 28-year-olds naturally received a fine more often than 18-years-old, simply because of the longer driving history.
  • Tickets for speeding were most common among the 28-year-olds with more than half of them ever having received one.
  • Generally, driving without a safety belt and especially drunk driving were less often fined.
  • Less than 3% had ever gotten a fine.
  • The differences for other offences were not significant.

3.2. Attitudes towards traffic rules and violations

  • There was no significant difference in the perceived accident risk when driving too fast between the younger and older age group, neither for the risk perception in built-up areas, nor on rural roads (t-tests, p > .10).
  • Generally, the accident risk when driving too fast in built-up areas was perceived as "big" (M = 2.1) while the risk on rural roads was perceived as neither big nor small (M = 2.9).

3.3.1. Injunctive subjective norm

  • As Fig. 2 shows most drivers expected their friends to accept it when they drove too fast.
  • Younger drivers speeding on rural roads expected the highest approval.
  • Also for driving without a safety belt only about 25% expected their friends to intervene (both age groups).
  • The picture looks very different for drunk and drug driving.
  • Here, around 90% expected their friends to try to prevent the respective behaviour; again the younger group showed higher approval.

3.3.2. Descriptive subjective norm

  • Drivers were asked how often they thought their friends would drive at excessive speed within the city and on rural roads (descriptive SN).
  • In Fig. 3 the means for both age groups are presented and compared with the drivers' own speeding behaviour.
  • Firstly, speed limits on rural roads were more often violated than those in built-up areas.
  • Secondly, the older age group (admitted to) exceed the speed limits more often than the younger age group, and finally, there was a higher discrepancy between drivers' own speeding behaviour and the respective descriptive norm in the younger age group, especially on rural roads, where 28-year-olds own behaviour and expected friends' behaviour were almost the same.

3.4. Explaining driving at excessive speed

  • Comparing the results of the two different age groups, the results showed substantial similarities.
  • In each regression the same predictor became significant, except for the age-related variables (having children, and ever having received a ticket for speeding).
  • There were some smaller differences in the relative importance of the psychological variables.
  • While for both age groups descriptive SN was most important, injunctive SN had a higher influence on younger drivers, as well as attitudes regarding speed limits.
  • In contrast, for older drivers the perceived accident risk was of higher relevance for speeding.

4. Discussion

  • With regard to non-response a general distinction between cognitive and motivational reasons can be made (Abrahamson and Abrahamson, 1999) .
  • Generally, the respondents indicated a high frequency of driving.
  • Therefore, it is possible that non-responders drove less frequently and therefore did not find it relevant to participate in the study.
  • Based on results from an earlier study (West and Hall, 1997) it is unlikely that non-response is influenced by previous accident history.
  • Due to the unknown reasons for non-response self-selection bias is possible.

5. Implications

  • Regarding the 28-year-old drivers the results of the study indicate that a different approach than the approach suggested for the 18-year-olds is needed.
  • Based on the consistency between self-reported speeding and perceived speeding among peers social norms seem to justify or maintain speeding behaviour among the 28-year-old male drivers.
  • Therefore, in order to prevent speeding a relevant strategy could be to address each driver individually and to encourage him to stand out and behave responsibly not only for his own sake but also to serve as a good role model for the sake of increased road safety.

6. Conclusion

  • The main purpose of this study was to see if a similar relationship between driving behaviour and peer influence is present among male drivers at the age of 18 and 28 with a particular focus on speeding.
  • The results show that the perception of peer behaviour influences own behaviour at both ages.
  • The type of influence varies according to age.
  • Such efforts would benefit from a clarification of the relationship between perceived and actual behaviour of peers at different ages.

Did you find this useful? Give us your feedback

Citations
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: There is an acute need for a unifying conceptual framework in order to synthesize these results and make useful generalizations on driving styles, and there is a considerable potential for increasing road safety by means of behavior modification.
Abstract: Objective:The aim of this study was to outline a conceptual framework for understanding driving style and, on this basis, review the state-of-the-art research on driving styles in relation to road safety.Background:Previous research has indicated a relationship between the driving styles adopted by drivers and their crash involvement. However, a comprehensive literature review of driving style research is lacking.Method:A systematic literature search was conducted, including empirical, theoretical, and methodological research, on driving styles related to road safety.Results:A conceptual framework was proposed whereby driving styles are viewed in terms of driving habits established as a result of individual dispositions as well as social norms and cultural values. Moreover, a general scheme for categorizing and operationalizing driving styles was suggested. On this basis, existing literature on driving styles and indicators was reviewed. Links between driving styles and road safety were identified and ind...

265 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Estimation results reveal that the following factors increase the probability of fatal injuries: drivers over the age of 65; primary-educated drivers; single-vehicle accidents; accidents occurring on state routes, highways or provincial roads; and the presence of pedestrian crosswalks.

96 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The current study investigates the underlying risk factors of fatal bus accident severity to different types of drivers in the U.S. by estimating an ordered logistic model and shows that history of traffic violations has different impact on different kinds of bus drivers.

94 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors derived psychological factors based on the Theory of Planned Behaviour, estimated them based on structural equation modelling, and included them into a discrete choice model, and measured the psychological factors were measured based on an online questionnaire addressed to car commuters to the city centre of Copenhagen.
Abstract: Motivating people to change their departure time could play a key role in reducing peak-hour congestion, which remains one of the most prevalent transport problems in large urban areas. To achieve this behavioural change, it is necessary to better understand the factors that influence departure time choice. So far departure time choice modelling focussed mainly on objective factors, such as time and costs as main behavioural determinants. In this study, we derived psychological factors based on the Theory of Planned Behaviour, estimated them based on structural equation modelling, and included them into a discrete choice model. The psychological factors were measured based on an online questionnaire addressed to car commuters to the city centre of Copenhagen ( N = 286). The questionnaire additionally included a travel diary and a stated preference experiment with nine departure time choice scenarios. All psychological factors had a significant effect on departure time choice and could improve the model as compared to a basic discrete choice model without latent constructs. As expected, the effects of the psychological factors were different depending on framework conditions: for people with fixed starting times at work, the intention to arrive at work on time (as estimated by subjective norm, attitude, perceived behavioural control) had the strongest effect; for people with flexible working hours, the attitude towards short travel time was most relevant. Limitations, the inclusion of additional psychological factors and their possible interactions are discussed.

68 citations


Cites methods from "Peer influence on speeding behaviou..."

  • ...In transportation research it has in particular been applied to explain and influence travel mode choice (e.g., Bamberg & Schmidt, 1998; 2001; 2003; Haustein & Hunecke, 2007; Heath & Gifford, 2002) and driving violations (e.g., Cestac et al., 2011; Forward, 2009; Møller & Haustein, 2014)....

    [...]

Journal Article
TL;DR: Insight is provided to different aspects of risky driving behavior, at micro and macro levels, from individual attitudes, and psychological factors like personality, temperament, mood and emotions, to socioeconomic context, social norms, cultural backgrounds, level of law enforcement, and internalization of legality in the society.
Abstract: Road traffic crashes (RTCs) account for great mortality and morbidity rates worldwide, resulting in substantial global burden. Factors contributing to RTC generally fall into three categories: environmental, vehicle, and h uman, with the human factor being by fa r the leading determinant. Obtaining an in -depth exploration of driving behavior and factors underpinning risky driving could be of particular importance to facilitate the establishment of effective policies. The present article provides insight to differe nt aspects of risky driving behavior, at micro and macro levels, from individual attitudes, and psychological factors like personality, temperament, mood and emotions, to soc ioeconomic context, social norms, cultural backgrounds, level of law enforcement, and internalization of legality in the society. Risky driving behavior is a multidimensional issue and any effort to design and establish modification policies should be based on a comprehensive understanding of its determinants in different aspects.

64 citations

References
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Ajzen, 1985, 1987, this article reviewed the theory of planned behavior and some unresolved issues and concluded that the theory is well supported by empirical evidence and that intention to perform behaviors of different kinds can be predicted with high accuracy from attitudes toward the behavior, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control; and these intentions, together with perceptions of behavioral control, account for considerable variance in actual behavior.

65,095 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a perspective on adolescent risk taking grounded in developmental neuroscience is presented, which suggests that changing the contexts in which risky behavior occurs may be more successful than changing the way adolescents think about risk, and suggests that educational interventions designed to change adolescents' knowledge, beliefs, or attitudes have been largely ineffective.
Abstract: Trying to understand why adolescents and young adults take more risks than younger or older individuals do has challenged psychologists for decades. Adolescents' inclination to engage in risky behavior does not appear to be due to irrationality, delusions of invulnerability, or ignorance. This paper presents a perspective on adolescent risk taking grounded in developmental neuroscience. According to this view, the temporal gap between puberty, which impels adolescents toward thrill seeking, and the slow maturation of the cognitive-control system, which regulates these impulses, makes adolescence a time of heightened vulnerability for risky behavior. This view of adolescent risk taking helps to explain why educational interventions designed to change adolescents' knowledge, beliefs, or attitudes have been largely ineffective, and suggests that changing the contexts in which risky behavior occurs may be more successful than changing the way adolescents think about risk.

1,230 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the heat of passion, in the presence of peers, on the spur of the moment, in unfamiliar situations, when trading off risks and benefits favors bad long-term outcomes, and when behavioral inhibition is required for good outcomes, adolescents are likely to reason more poorly than adults do.
Abstract: Crime, smoking, drug use, alcoholism, reckless driving, and many other unhealthy patterns of behavior that play out over a lifetime often debut during adolescence. Avoiding risks or buying time can set a different lifetime pattern. Changing unhealthy behaviors in adolescence would have a broad impact on society, reducing the burdens of disease, injury, human suffering, and associated economic costs. Any program designed to prevent or change such risky behaviors should be founded on a clear idea of what is normative (what behaviors, ideally, should the program foster?), descriptive (how are adolescents making decisions in the absence of the program?), and prescriptive (which practices can realistically move adolescent decisions closer to the normative ideal?). Normatively, decision processes should be evaluated for coherence (is the thinking process nonsensical, illogical, or self-contradictory?) and correspondence (are the outcomes of the decisions positive?). Behaviors that promote positive physical and mental health outcomes in modern society can be at odds with those selected for by evolution (e.g., early procreation). Healthy behaviors may also conflict with a decision maker's goals. Adolescents' goals are more likely to maximize immediate pleasure, and strict decision analysis implies that many kinds of unhealthy behavior, such as drinking and drug use, could be deemed rational. However, based on data showing developmental changes in goals, it is important for policy to promote positive long-term outcomes rather than adolescents' short-term goals. Developmental data also suggest that greater risk aversion is generally adaptive, and that decision processes that support this aversion are more advanced than those that support risk taking. A key question is whether adolescents are developmentally competent to make decisions about risks. In principle, barring temptations with high rewards and individual differences that reduce self-control (i.e., under ideal conditions), adolescents are capable of rational decision making to achieve their goals. In practice, much depends on the particular situation in which a decision is made. In the heat of passion, in the presence of peers, on the spur of the moment, in unfamiliar situations, when trading off risks and benefits favors bad long-term outcomes, and when behavioral inhibition is required for good outcomes, adolescents are likely to reason more poorly than adults do. Brain maturation in adolescence is incomplete. Impulsivity, sensation seeking, thrill seeking, depression, and other individual differences also contribute to risk taking that resists standard risk-reduction interventions, although some conditions such as depression can be effectively treated with other approaches. Major explanatory models of risky decision making can be roughly divided into (a) those, including health-belief models and the theory of planned behavior, that adhere to a "rational" behavioral decision-making framework that stresses deliberate, quantitative trading off of risks and benefits; and (b) those that emphasize nondeliberative reaction to the perceived gists or prototypes in the immediate decision environment. (A gist is a fuzzy mental representation of the general meaning of information or experience; a prototype is a mental representation of a standard or typical example of a category.) Although perceived risks and especially benefits predict behavioral intentions and risk-taking behavior, behavioral willingness is an even better predictor of susceptibility to risk taking-and has unique explanatory power-because adolescents are willing to do riskier things than they either intend or expect to do. Dual-process models, such as the prototype/willingness model and fuzzy-trace theory, identify two divergent paths to risk taking: a reasoned and a reactive route. Such models explain apparent contradictions in the literature, including different causes of risk taking for different individuals. Interventions to reduce risk taking must take into account the different causes of such behavior if they are to be effective. Longitudinal and experimental research are needed to disentangle opposing causal processes-particularly, those that produce positive versus negative relations between risk perceptions and behaviors. Counterintuitive findings that must be accommodated by any adequate theory of risk taking include the following: (a) Despite conventional wisdom, adolescents do not perceive themselves to be invulnerable, and perceived vulnerability declines with increasing age; (b) although the object of many interventions is to enhance the accuracy of risk perceptions, adolescents typically overestimate important risks, such as HIV and lung cancer; (c) despite increasing competence in reasoning, some biases in judgment and decision making grow with age, producing more "irrational" violations of coherence among adults than among adolescents and younger children. The latter occurs because of a known developmental increase in gist processing with age. One implication of these findings is that traditional interventions stressing accurate risk perceptions are apt to be ineffective or backfire because young people already feel vulnerable and overestimate their risk. In addition, research shows that experience is not a good teacher for children and younger adolescents, because they tend to learn little from negative outcomes (favoring the use of effective deterrents, such as monitoring and supervision), although learning from experience improves considerably with age. Experience in the absence of negative consequences may increase feelings of invulnerability and thus explain the decrease in risk perceptions from early to late adolescence, as exploration increases. Finally, novel interventions that discourage deliberate weighing of risks and benefits by adolescents may ultimately prove more effective and enduring. Mature adults apparently resist taking risks not out of any conscious deliberation or choice, but because they intuitively grasp the gists of risky situations, retrieve appropriate risk-avoidant values, and never proceed down the slippery slope of actually contemplating tradeoffs between risks and benefits.

1,173 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The most important empirical studies into speed and crash rate with an emphasis on the more recent studies found evidence that crash rate increases faster with an increase in speed on minor roads than on major roads.

1,087 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Students who saw the campus norm to be similar to their own attitude were found to drink more heavily, and in more public settings, than students with discrepant attitudes and perceptions.
Abstract: Data drawn from a comprehensive survey of alcohol use in a college student community (N= 1, 116) show most students holding a moderate personal attitude regarding alcohol use while misperceiving their peer environment as being much more liberal. Drinking behavior is significantly related to gender, type of living unit, personal attitudes toward drinking, and also the degree of consistency/discrepancy between the individual's own attitude and his or her perception of the campus norm regarding drinking. Students who saw the campus norm to be similar to their own attitude were found to drink more heavily, and in more public settings, than students with discrepant attitudes and perceptions. Implications of findings for alcohol abuse prevention programs on college campuses are discussed.

969 citations

Frequently Asked Questions (1)
Q1. What contributions have the authors mentioned in the paper "Peer influence on speeding behaviour among male drivers aged 18 and 28" ?

Based on a standardized survey of a random sample of 2018 male drivers at the age of 18 and 28, this study looked into attitudes and behaviours related to traffic violations of male drivers. More specifically, the role of peer influence on speeding was examined in both age groups.