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Journal ArticleDOI

Personal and shared: the reach of different herbal landscapes

01 Mar 2012-Estonian Journal of Ecology (Estonian Academy Publishers)-Vol. 61, Iss: 1, pp 20-36
TL;DR: The use of medicinal plants by local populations from two parishes in central Estonia in the 1930s is analyzed applying a model of herbal landscape to reveal how know- ledge on plants was distributed among individuals throughout the local communities and how folk wisdom about medicinal plants was preserved.
Abstract: We analyse the use of medicinal plants by local populations from two parishes in central Estonia in the 1930s applying a model of herbal landscape. Our study, based on archived records of traditional ecological knowledge of 11 schoolchildren and 5 adults, compares the individuals' expertise of medicinal plants to the common knowledge of the local community. This shared knowledge, passed on from generation to generation inside the community (ecocultural commons), is distributed unequally among its members. The results of the study show that 65 plant and 3 fungi taxa were used in folk medicine to deal with 49 indications. Further, the study reveals how know- ledge on plants was distributed among individuals throughout the local communities and how folk wisdom about medicinal plants was preserved. The individual herbal landscapes of the respondents varied considerably, with the usage of many plants shared by only a few members of the community. Still, the general pattern of the communal herbal landscape follows relatively well the pattern of the plant use in folk medicine in Estonia at the time under review, with just a few exceptions. Hence, every person partakes in the knowledge of the ecocultural commons, whereas the individual share of the community's knowledge is not complete.

Summary (2 min read)

INTRODUCTION

  • Research on traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) has been carried out for hundreds of years, especially in indigenous communities.
  • Landscape paradigms have often been applied when explaining the complex circumstances of how humans interact with their natural surroundings.
  • [..] experience and learning are stocked into temporary memory that does not survive the organism's death'.

METHODS

  • For the present study the authors used written records of the ecological knowledge of two neighbouring parishes, Ambla and Järva-Madise in central Estonia, from the 1930s.
  • The authors also included into the analysis a set of community plant knowledge collected by Lunts but sent without indicating the source other than it was collected with the help of his pupils.
  • Lunts assigned Vilbaste's questionnaire about plant use to the pupils as homework and expected answers in the form of an essay, assuming creative results, not merely a list of plants and diseases.
  • The pupils completed their personal assignments in wintertime (the date of 14 January 1931 was added to the essays of several pupils).
  • Then the authors review the herbal landscapes of selected respondents and their relative importance within the community herbal landscape and, where appropriate, their position according to the general knowledge about the ecocultural commons in Estonia, as specified by HERBA.

HERBAL LANDSCAPE AS AN ECOCULTURAL COMMONS

  • Lunts collected 175 use-reports on how plants were utilized for medicinal purposes, reflecting the use of 65 plant and 3 fungi 2 taxa against 49 health indications.
  • The plants are all assigned to a dominant habitat and sensitivity to humans: anthropophytes (plants depending on human activity), apophytes (plants preferring human activity), hemeradiophores (plants indifferent to human activity), and hemerophobes (plants fearing human activity) (based on Kukk, 1999) .
  • The reason here may lay in the fact that until the early 1920s gardening was not much practised on the territory of present Estonia (for more details see Sõukand & Kalle, 2010b) .
  • All together, 28% of the cases reflect the use of medicinal plants for indications mentioned only once or twice, covering a wide variety of health conditions occasionally treated by plants (the full list is provided in the abbreviation section for Table 1 ).
  • As expected, most treated conditions were related to the cold and wet climate: 12% of the use-reports treated cough and 9% tuberculosis, making those two the most common illnesses fought with plants in this region.

INDIVIDUAL HERBAL LANDSCAPES

  • Ader, the most knowledgeable of all pupils and one of the two female pupils who completed the assignment, knew 11 medicinal plants (see Table 3 for pupils' responses).
  • All the plants they listed were shared with other respondents, except two plants named by Erna Ader (Plantago major and Polygala amarella).
  • In general, her usage of medicinal plants follows the pattern of the shared herbal landscape.
  • Another local healer, a Mr Brokman, was 72 years old (probably born in 1859) when Lunts interviewed him together with his wife (about whom nothing else is known).

CONCLUSIONS

  • The individual herbal landscape of every respondent differed considerably from those of the other respondents, and many plants were shared by only a few members of the community.
  • Hence, every person partook in the knowledge of the ecocultural commons whereas the individual share of the community's knowledge was not complete.
  • Thus seasonality plays an important part in Lunts' recorded herbal landscapes.
  • Bringing the human dimension into landscape models allows us to develop several conceptual frameworks that can help to model and analyse interactions of humans with their environment.
  • Thus the authors can speak of a community-shared herbal landscape, assuming that it constitutes the individual knowledge of every person in the community.

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Estonian Journal of Ecology, 2012, 61, 1, 20–36 doi: 10.3176/eco.2012.1.04
20
Personal and shared: the reach of different
herbal landscapes
Renata Sõukand
a,b
!
and Raivo Kalle
a,c
a
Estonian Literary Museum, Vanemuise 42, 51003 Tartu, Estonia
b
Institute of Philosophy and Semiotics, University of Tartu, Jakobi 2, 51014 Tartu, Estonia
c
Department of Food Science and Food Technology, Estonian University of Life Sciences,
Kreutzwaldi 2, 51014 Tartu, Estonia
!
Corresponding author, renata@folklore.ee
Received 25 February 2011, revised 26 June 2011, accepted 15 July 2011
Abstract. We analyse the use of medicinal plants by local populations from two parishes in central
Estonia in the 1930s applying a model of herbal landscape. Our study, based on archived records
of traditional ecological knowledge of 11 schoolchildren and 5 adults, compares the individuals
expertise of medicinal plants to the common knowledge of the local community. This shared
knowledge, passed on from generation to generation inside the community (ecocultural commons),
is distributed unequally among its members. The results of the study show that 65 plant and 3 fungi
taxa were used in folk medicine to deal with 49 indications. Further, the study reveals how know-
ledge on plants was distributed among individuals throughout the local communities and how folk
wisdom about medicinal plants was preserved. The individual herbal landscapes of the respondents
varied considerably, with the usage of many plants shared by only a few members of the community.
Still, the general pattern of the communal herbal landscape follows relatively well the pattern of the
plant use in folk medicine in Estonia at the time under review, with just a few exceptions. Hence,
every person partakes in the knowledge of the ecocultural commons, whereas the individual share
of the community’s knowledge is not complete.
Key words: medicinal plants, herbal landscape, ecological history, public health, ecocultural
commons.
INTRODUCTION
Research on traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) has been carried out for
hundreds of years, especially in indigenous communities. Since the Renaissance,
scholars and laymen have documented medicinal plants used by the peasantry in
Denmark, Germany, Hungary, and Sweden. There is broad agreement that plant
use in folk therapies is a relevant and complex component of local ecological
knowledge and that the analysis should also consider cultural, economic, geo-
graphical, historical, political, and social aspects (Reyes-García et al., 2004;
Vandebroek et al., 2004; Lozada et al., 2006; Jarić et al., 2007; Eyssartier et al.,
2008; Lira et al., 2009; Molares & Ladio, 2009; Thomas et al., 2009). Nowadays
European ethnobotanists analyse community-shared and traditional knowledge
of plants and their usage (ecocultural commons), which developed in the interactions

Herbal landscapes
21
of humans with the landscape surrounding them (Svanberg et al., 2011). The
research on ecocultural commons includes how humans perceive and place
plants inside their culture and how biological resources are locally managed.
In doing so, ethnobotanists emphasize the need for scientific rigour and the
integration of different methodological approaches (Etkin, 1993; Waldstein &
Adams, 2006). In particular, they promote a hypothesis-driven research and
quantitative analysis for overcoming the shortcomings of descriptive inventories of
plant use (Vandebroek, 2010).
To facilitate hypothesis-driven research on the usage of medicinal plants, we
put forward a proposal to add to the traditional ecological approach the model of
the ‘herbal landscape’, defined as a cognitive field of plants that are used to treat
or prevent diseases by local residents who live within specific cultural and
climatic zones and know about these medicinal plants and/or share a specific
plant knowledge within a certain group of people (Sõukand & Kalle, 2010a). The
‘herbal landscape’ is a cognitive field – the term cognitive refers to the dynamic
process of knowing how to make use of natural resources (cf. cognitive map,
Tolman, 1948) and field represents the environmental space covered by this
specific knowledge. In our earlier writings we discussed natural and cultural
boundaries of the herbal landscape (Sõukand & Kalle, 2010b) and its theoretical
premises (Sõukand, 2010) and outlined the shifts that have occurred within it
during the last century (Sõukand & Kalle, 2011).
Landscape paradigms have often been applied when explaining the complex
circumstances of how humans interact with their natural surroundings. For
example, the Italian ecologist Farina (2006: 5), when comparing several definitions
of landscape from different cultural and scientific approaches, finds the most
suitable one defining landscape ‘as a piece of land which we perceive compre-
hensively around us, without looking closely at single components, and which
looks familiar to us’ (the original definition is from Haber, 2004). He continues,
‘when the organism is man, the landscape is a broad area composed of a mosaic
of patches, ecotopes and cultural elements’ (Farina, 2006: 5). In connecting the
diverse definitions of landscape, Farina developed his quite broad model of a
cultural landscape emphasizing that ‘the relationships between human activity
and the environment have created ecological, socio-economic, and cultural patterns
and feedback mechanisms that govern the presence, distribution, and abundance
of species assemblages’ (Farina, 2000: 113).
By adopting Uexküll’s concept of Umwelt, Farina divides the cognitive land-
scape into three types. First, there is the neutrality-based landscape that acts like
a background of noise, which the sense organs cannot distinguish or decode.
Second, the individually-based landscape is the part of the surrounding that our
body can decipher, implicating that the individually based landscape incorporates
cognitive mechanisms. Finally, there is an observer-based landscape, which Farina
(2006: 16) explains as ‘the piece of the real world perceived by people by using a
cultural filter. [..] experience and learning are stocked into temporary memory
that does not survive the organism’s death’. This landscape, however, can be
experienced or transferred through cultural mechanisms. The observer-based

R. Sõukand and R. Kalle
22
landscape corresponds with the personal herbal landscape acquired through the
cultural filter, individual experience, and learning; it is preserved throughout the
person’s life as long as the natural conditions support and the needs for the
medication require the herbal resources.
Here we present a selected example from archival data on Estonian herbal
medicine for deepening and corroborating our theoretical approach and reflecting
upon the differences between the personal herbal landscape and those shared
within a community. We argue that the personal herbal landscape reflects the
immediate needs of individuals and, thus, covers only part of the communal
knowledge, whilst the herbal landscape as an ecocultural commons (i.e., knowledge
shared and transferred at a specific location from generation to generation) preserves
the ecological knowledge of a region through time. In general, the ecocultural
heritage of Estonia makes a perfect example for our case study, comparing the
individual expertise to the shared traditional knowledge of rural communities on
the usage of medicinal plants.
METHODS
For the present study we used written records of the ecological knowledge of two
neighbouring parishes, Ambla and Järva-Madise in central Estonia, from the
1930s. The text records were collected by the schoolteacher and amateur biologist
Teet (until 1938 Julius) Lunts
1
(1902–1941) and came mainly from his pupils
who originated from these two parishes. Lunts sent two collections of reports
(Vilbaste TN 2: 324–382), including (among other plant knowledge) the
medicinal use of plants, to the schoolteacher and publicist Gustav Vilbaste
(1885–1967), the first Estonian ethnobotanist. These reports now belong to Gustav
Vilbaste’s collection of ethnobotanical manuscripts (Vilbaste TN), part of which
has been digitized for the Historical Estonian Herbal Medical Database (HERBA,
created by Sõukand and Kalle in 2008). Although those reports did not contain
dried plant samples, most of the species were confirmed by reliable amateur
1
Teet Lunts was headmaster of a six-year primary school at Lehtmetsa-Risti, situated at the border
of these two parishes, and taught there all classes except girls’ handiwork from 1928 to 1938.
Thereafter until his execution in 1941 by the retreating Soviet Army, he was headmaster of the
neighbouring primary school at Seidla. Besides his duties as a schoolteacher, Lunts completed
botanical training at the University of Tartu and was the first (amateur) botanist in Järvamaa, who
mapped the distribution of rare plant species and inspected plant communities according to
scientific standards (Rannap, 1998). After 1930 Lunts published 35 floristic notes and articles
in the Estonian nature journals Eesti Loodus [Estonian Nature] and Loodusevaatleja [Nature
Observer], for example, a study about the plant cover of eskers of North Estonia (Lunts, 1937a,
1937b) and another one on the riverplain forest at the Jänijõgi River (Lunts, 1938). Since 1919 he
was a devoted correspondent of Vilbaste, discussing all aspects related to plants and nature
conservation (EKLA F 152, M 26:6). Lunts was also a distinguished correspondent of the
Estonian Folklore Archives, providing the greatest collection of folklore of Järvamaa. Among
other folklore he sent there in 1937 a copy of part of the data he had originally sent to Vilbaste
(ERA II 167, pp. 167–185).

Herbal landscapes
23
botanists, e.g. Lunts himself, or were assigned a folk name that was commonly
used in this area (for credibility of plant identification, see Łuczaj, 2010). Only
two reports in this collection contain unidentifiable plant names and, therefore,
were left out of our analysis.
Of the 16 individuals questioned about the usage of plants, eleven were Lunts’
pupils and the other five were local knowledgeable persons. These individual
collectors’ expertise will be compared to the aggregated knowledge of the
community for a better understanding of the herbal landscape under study. We
also included into the analysis a set of community plant knowledge collected
by Lunts but sent without indicating the source other than it was collected with
the help of his pupils. As Lunts left no records about his methodology, it is rather
difficult to reconstruct what methods and standards were used for the reports sent
to Vilbaste. We can guess how he structured his questionnaire and what questions
he might have asked based on the pupils’ responses. Further, we do know whether
he requested to be shown the plant when the taxon could not be unequivocally
recognized. Although Lunts did not mention it explicitly, he apparently also
personally interviewed adults with a general questionnaire provided by Vilbaste.
One person he certainly questioned in summertime was Miina Veiderpass, an
elderly local healer. Separately, he also questioned pupils from the oldest (fourth
to sixth) grades at the Lehtmetsa-Risti school. The exact number and age of the
pupils questioned is unknown, but it is known that in 1919 the school had 38
pupils and in 1938 there were 46 pupils (Kvell, 2003). As he grouped their
answers together without naming the sources or counting the responses, we cannot
know which individuals used which plants.
The majority of the responses dealt with how a plant was used as a medicine
or a dye or how its magical properties were employed. Lunts assigned Vilbaste’s
questionnaire about plant use to the pupils as homework and expected answers
in the form of an essay, assuming creative results, not merely a list of plants and
diseases. The pupils completed their personal assignments in wintertime (the date
of 14 January 1931 was added to the essays of several pupils). Most of the data
submitted by Lunts are given as a descriptive text or in the form of an individual
pupil’s essay. Lunts also provided an extensive collection of vernacular plant
names and their Latin equivalents.
For the purpose of analysing the texts, we divided all responses into use-reports.
A use-report is defined as an ‘event resulting from the combination of the
[following] three variables: informant i mentions the use of the species s in the
use-category u’ (Tardìo & Pardo-de-Santayana, 2008). In the following we first
analyse the representation of the plant taxa and their division according to the
habitat and hemeroby level, as well as the distribution of the diseases on the level
of the shared community TEK, including all use-reports dealing with the medicinal
use of plants. Then we review the herbal landscapes of selected respondents and
their relative importance within the community herbal landscape and, where
appropriate, their position according to the general knowledge about the ecocultural
commons in Estonia, as specified by HERBA.

R. Sõukand and R. Kalle
24
HERBAL LANDSCAPE AS AN ECOCULTURAL COMMONS
Lunts collected 175 use-reports on how plants were utilized for medicinal
purposes, reflecting the use of 65 plant and 3 fungi
2
taxa against 49 health
indications. While the list of all plants named by the respondents of Lunts is
numerous (Table 1), the list of the most frequently used taxa is rather short.
Only very few plants were listed by the majority of the respondents, and none of
them was listed by all (Table 2). The plants are all assigned to a dominant habitat
and sensitivity to humans: anthropophytes (plants depending on human activity),
apophytes (plants preferring human activity), hemeradiophores (plants indifferent
to human activity), and hemerophobes (plants fearing human activity) (based on
Kukk, 1999).
The use-reports were divided according to the plant’s habitat (Fig. 1), sensitivity
to human impact (Fig. 2), and diseases cured (Fig. 3). As a rule, in the 1930s rural
homes in Estonia were surrounded by semi-natural meadows. Therefore, it will be
no surprise that a large proportion (39%) of the use-reports reflect on the use of
plants growing on meadows, whereas only 9% of the plants reported grow in
gardens and courtyards. The reason here may lay in the fact that until the early
1920s gardening was not much practised on the territory of present Estonia (for
more details see Sõukand & Kalle, 2010b). As the area under study is situated in
central Estonia, which features a geobotanical sub-district of forest and wetlands
(Laasimer, 1965: 291), relatively high percentages of the plants were collected
from wetlands (23%) and forested areas including trees and bushes (23%) (Fig. 1).
Such a relatively even distribution of utilized plants helps to assure the ecological
sustainability of how the botanical resources were used and simultaneously covers
a wide nomenclature of plants available in different ecotopes.
Regional division of the medicinal plants according to their sensitivity to
human impact differs notably from the hemeroby distribution on the country level
at the same time (Fig. 4). Comparing Figs 2 and 4, we see that anthropophytes
were used merely half as often and hemeradiophores were used almost twice
as often as they were utilized on the country level, while the use of apophytes
and hemerophobes was almost the same as their country-level utilization. Such
preference for the plants that do not depend on human activity requires a profound
knowledge of wild plants.
All together, 28% of the cases reflect the use of medicinal plants for indications
mentioned only once or twice, covering a wide variety of health conditions
occasionally treated by plants (the full list is provided in the abbreviation section
for Table 1). As expected, most treated conditions were related to the cold and
wet climate: 12% of the use-reports treated cough and 9% tuberculosis, making
those two the most common illnesses fought with plants in this region. Cough
was one of the most common diseases among children in the wintertime, and
tuberculosis was a quite common disease in Estonia until the 1970s. Rheumatic
diseases (10%) and straining (7%), which are widespread health problems in wet
2
In the Estonian folk categorization plants and fungi were not differentiated, being both considered
plants. Hereafter the term ‘plants’ is used according to the folk categorization.

Citations
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TL;DR: Pieroni et al. as discussed by the authors focused on a very small group of descendents of migrants who left Friuli and Northern Veneto in north-eastern Italy at the end of the nineteenth century to work as stonecutters around Macin Mountain in Dobruja, eastern Romania.
Abstract: The ethnobotanical knowledge of migrant communities has been the focus of a number of studies in recent years aimed at understanding how Traditional Knowledge (TK) about plants changes over time. Changes in TK often occur in response to various sociocultural and/or environmental factors, which affect the continuum between adaptation (i.e., changing, substituting, or eliminating home plant uses according to the new host environment/culture), and isolation (i.e., retaining plant uses according to a presumed “original” plant TK) (Pieroni and Quave 2005; Pieroni et al. 2005, 2011; Pieroni and Vandebroek 2007; Maxia et al. 2008; Ceuterick et al. 2008 and 2011; Zamudio et al. 2010; de Medeiros et al. 2012). While a few scholars (especially in Central and Northern Europe) are researching archives where unpublished ethnographic records of plant uses can still be found (Łuczaj 2010a, b; Soukand and Kalle 2011, 2012), others are using historical sources concerning plant uses (Svanberg et al. 2011, and references therein) and meta-analysis of (heterogeneous) ethnobotanical field studies (Leonti et al. 2010; Weckerle et al. 2011). Nevertheless, original field studies are still urgently needed to document ethnobotanical TK central to preservation of local biocultural heritage, as well as offering important insights into smallscale business activities involving locally neglected plants (e.g., herbal medicines, handicrafts, local food products, and ecotourism). This may be especially important for the TK of ethnic/cultural minorities, which are often not only threatened by global processes such as urbanisation and the disappearance of traditional rural lifestyles, but also by cultural marginalisation. In this study, we focused on a very small group of descendents of migrants who left Friuli and Northern Veneto in north-eastern Italy at the end of the nineteenth century to work as stonecutters around Macin Mountain in Dobruja, eastern Romania. Our aim was to record the ethnobotanical knowledge of this diaspora and to compare the data with the previously published ethnobotanical literature available for Romanians and Venetians/Friulans in their home regions in order to learn how practices and beliefs related to plants may have changed. A. Pieroni (*) University of Gastronomic Sciences, Piazza Vittorio Emanuele 9, 12060 Pollenzo, Italy e-mail: a.pieroni@unisg.it

47 citations


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  • ...…in Central and Northern Europe) are researching archives where unpublished ethnographic records of plant uses can still be found (Łuczaj 2010a, b; Sõukand and Kalle 2011, 2012), others are using historical sources concerning plant uses (Svanberg et al. 2011, and references therein) and…...

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  • ...The tea made of Mentha species is appreciated for its specific taste and, according to historical data was a very popular recreational tea, regardless of the fact that it was almost never suggested in popular literature (Sõukand and Kalle, 2012a)....

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  • ...…and the Russian elite in Estonia were already using oriental tea at the beginning of the 19th century, Estonian peasants and later even urban citizens did not adopt this custom and used a great number of local plants instead, to make a drink they nonetheless called tee (Sõukand and Kalle, 2012a)....

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  • ...Due to its diverse use, it was also the historically most frequently used teetaimed, although it was barely advertised as such in the literature, on the contrary, it was even considered unsuitable for making tea according to one reference (Sõukand and Kalle, 2012a)....

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  • ...…teetaimed, based on historical data as well, its first mention as an element of infusions dates back to the third decade of the 20th century (Sõukand and Kalle, 2012a), while the use of the inner bark of Tilia species to cure burn wounds was already reported in the first folklore records…...

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  • ...…food plants (Milliken and Bridgewater, 2004; Łuczaj and Szymanski, 2006; Turner et al., 2011; Svanberg, 2012), there are only a few regional studies with an emphasis on recreational tea in specific areas of Europe (Pardo de Santayana et al., 2005; Sõukand and Kalle, 2012a; Grasser et al., 2012)....

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TL;DR: Regardless of some statistically significant differences in preferred species among different age, education, sex and nationality groups, the general attitude towards medicinal plants for self-treatment of the common cold and flu in Estonia was very favourable.
Abstract: The aim of the current survey was to investigate the complementary self-treatment of the common cold and flu with medicinal plants among pharmacy customers in Estonia. A multiple-choice questionnaire listing 10 plants and posing questions on the perceived characteristics of cold and flu, the effectiveness of plants, help-seeking behaviour, self-treatment and sources of information, was distributed to a sample of participants in two medium size pharmacies. The participants were pharmacy customers: 150 in Tallinn (mostly Russian speaking) and 150 in Kuressaare (mostly Estonian speaking). The mean number of plants used by participants was 4.1. Of the respondents, 69% self-treated the common cold and flu and 28% consulted with a general practitioner. In general, medicinal plants were considered effective in the treatment of the above-mentioned illnesses and 56% of the respondents had used exclusively medicinal plants or their combination with OTC medicines and other means of folk medicine for treatment. The use of medicinal plants increased with age and was more frequent among female than male respondents. Among Estonian-speaking customers lime flowers, blackcurrant and camomile were more frequently used, and among Russian speaking customers raspberry and lemon fruits. Regardless of some statistically significant differences in preferred species among different age, education, sex and nationality groups, the general attitude towards medicinal plants for self-treatment of the common cold and flu in Estonia was very favourable.

40 citations


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  • ...The use of lime flowers was unknown in Estonia until the first decades of the 20th century, a historical study of the regional use of plants in the 1930s reports only one use of lime used against colds, among 175 use-reports on the treatment of various diseases [21]....

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  • ...The respondents were spread quite evenly over Estonia and we expect that territorial differences in the form of locality of knowledge, as was the case with historical data (Sõukand & Kalle, 2010a, 2012b), did not influence responses significantly....

    [...]

  • ...…in present-day Estonia, and all earlier data collection was carried out without adhering to agreed ethnobotanical standards, so it is hardly possible to make quantitative analyses of it (Kalle & Sõukand, 2012), except a study of plants used for making ‘recreational tea’ (Sõukand & Kalle, 2012a)....

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  • ...…Svanberg, V. Kolosova, L. Aceituno-Mata, G. Menendez, J. Tardío, I. Kołodziejska-Degórska, E. Pirożnikow, R. Petkevičius, A. Hajdari & B. Mustafa, unpubl. data), the number of taxa (42) used by the focus group is only slightly smaller than the 54 taxa in historical data (Sõukand & Kalle, 2012a)....

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the history of juniper beer production, its role in local communities, changes in recipes, and signs of revival of the tradition in parts of northern and northeastern Poland.
Abstract: Low-alcohol beverages made of juniper pseudo-fruits were once common in parts of northern and northeastern Poland. The aim of this article is to investigate the history of juniper beer production, its role in local communities, changes in recipes, and signs of revival of the tradition. Archival ethnographic sources from all over the country were reviewed, and field research was carried out in two juniper beer producing areas in the Northeast region: (1) Kurpie, and (2) Podlasie. Juniper beers were made in central and northeastern Poland, mainly for weddings, holidays, or other special occasions. The tradition gradually declined throughout the twentieth century and has now practically disappeared. Juniper beer, however, recently has been popularized in the Kurpie region as a regional specialty, aimed at visitors to the area since the 1990s. The beverage is gaining increasing media attention, not only in the region but across Poland, and it is now produced in a large proportion of households in Kurpie (either for sale or for domestic use). In Podlasie, juniper beer is still mainly remembered as a drink from the past, with very few individuals still making it. Juniper beer is an example of a tradition revival combining a few emerging trends, among which are the use of wild foods and attention to local recipes and home-fermented dishes. The changing role of juniper berries in the history of the drink should also be noted. Originally, the berries were the richest local source of sugar, and thus they naturally became the main ingredient of fermented beverages. With time, the composition of the drink evolved and sugar and honey were added. The original juniper components now serve mainly as flavoring, giving the drink its characteristic resinous taste and fragrance.

26 citations


Cites background or methods from "Personal and shared: the reach of d..."

  • ...…purposes, e.g., in Germany, Denmark, Estonia, Norway, and Sweden (e.g., Brøndegaard 1978; De Cleene and Lejeune 2003; Høeg 1996; Marzell 1938; Sõukand and Kalle 2011; Sõukand and Kalle 2012a; Svanberg 2011), making it the third most used medicinal plant in Estonia in the period of 1888–1920....

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  • ...(Kalle and Sõukand 2012), and juniper pseudo-fruits were also used to make recreational tea (Sõukand and Kalle 2012b)....

    [...]

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Most of the rat investigations, which I shall report, were carried out in the Berkeley laboratory, and a few, though a very few, were even carried out by me myself.
Abstract: I shall devote the body of this paper to a description of experiments with rats. But I shall also attempt in a few words at the close to indicate the significance of these findings on rats for the clinical behavior of men. Most of the rat investigations, which I shall report, were carried out in the Berkeley laboratory. But I shall also include, occasionally, accounts of the behavior of non-Berkeley rats who obviously have misspent their lives in out-of-State laboratories. Furthermore, in reporting our Berkeley experiments I shall have to omit a very great many. The ones I shall talk about were carried out by graduate students (or underpaid research assistants) who, supposedly, got some of their ideas from me. And a few, though a very few, were even carried out by me myself. Let me begin by presenting diagrams for a couple of typical mazes, an alley maze and an elevated maze. In the typical experiment a hungry rat is put at the entrance of the maze (alley or elevated), and wanders about through the various true path segments and blind alleys until he finally comes to the food box and eats. This is repeated (again in the typical experiment) one trial every 24 hours and the animal tends to make fewer and fewer errors (that is, blindalley entrances) and to take less and less time between start and goal-box until finally he is entering no blinds at all and running in a very few seconds from start to goal. The results are usually presented in the form of average curves of blind-entrances, or of seconds from start to finish, for groups of rats. All students agree as to the facts. They disagree, however, on theory and explanation. (1) First, there is a school of animal psychologists which believes that the maze behavior of rats is a matter of mere simple stimulus-response connections. Learning, according to them, consists in the strengthening of some of these connections and in the weakening of others. According to this ‘stimulus-response’ school the rat in progressing down the maze is helplessly responding to a succession of external stimulisights, sounds, smells, pressures, etc. impinging upon his external sense organs-plus internal stimuli coming from the viscera and from the skeletal muscles. Figure 1: Plan of maze 14-Unit T-Alley Maze. (From M.H. Elliot, The effect of change of reward on the maze performance of rats. University of California Publications in Psychology, 1928, 4, 20.)

5,735 citations


"Personal and shared: the reach of d..." refers background in this paper

  • ...The herbal landscape is a cognitive field the term cognitive refers to the dynamic process of knowing how to make use of natural resources (cf. cognitive map, Tolman, 1948) and field represents the environmental space covered by this specific knowledge....

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01 Jan 1986

3,543 citations

Book
01 Dec 1997
TL;DR: The landscape ecology as mentioned in this paper is a broad category of landscape studies from spatial quantitative analysis to holistic problem-solving procedures, including planning, management, conservation and restoration of cultural landscapes in practice synthesis.
Abstract: General definitions and present status of the landscape ecology basic concepts of landscape ecology different approaches to landscape classifications spatial patterns in natural and cultural landscapes principles of landscape dynamics descriptive and quantitative methods in landscape ecology - analysis and synthesis planning, management, conservation and restoration of cultural landscapes in practice synthesis - practical examples of landscape studies from spatial quantitative analysis to holistic problem-solving procedures.

619 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors compared four indices based on informant consensus to assess the cultural significance of plant species and found a positive and significant correlation between the number of uses (NU) and the frequency of citation (FC) of the species and concluded that the more versatile a plant, the more widespread its usefulness.
Abstract: Cultural Importance Indices: A Comparative Analysis Based on the Useful Wild Plants of Southern Cantabria (Northern Spain) This paper compares four indices based on informant consensus Each index aims to assess the cultural significance of plant species and is suitable for statistical testing of different hypotheses For the comparison, we used data concerning plants traditionally used in the Campoo area of southern Cantabria in northern Spain Our results show a positive and significant correlation between the number of uses (NU) and the frequency of citation (FC) of the species It seems to be a general rule that the more versatile a plant, the more widespread its usefulness In addition, NU is highly influenced by the number of use-categories in the study Consequently, an objective index must rely on FC more than NU We propose the use of the cultural importance index (CI), which is defined as the summation of the informants’ proportions that mention each of the uses of the species The CI index is highly correlated with FC and, although it also considers diversity of use, each use-category is conveniently weighted by the number of informants mentioning it Despite the use of cultural significance indices being questioned, we believe that indices based on in-depth, semi-structured interviews are still very useful for compilation studies of passive knowledge, such as most ethnobotanical works conducted in the last three decades in Europe

618 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: An ethnobiological field study on food plants and medicinal foods traditionally consumed in three Arbëresh (ethnic Albanian) communities in northern Lucania (southern Italy) document approximately 120 botanical taxa used for these purposes.

271 citations


"Personal and shared: the reach of d..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Consequently, they also differ in their knowledge about plants (cf. also Pieroni et al., 2002)....

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Frequently Asked Questions (1)
Q1. What are the contributions mentioned in the paper "Personal and shared: the reach of different herbal landscapes" ?

The results of the study show that 65 plant and 3 fungi taxa were used in folk medicine to deal with 49 indications. Further, the study reveals how knowledge on plants was distributed among individuals throughout the local communities and how folk wisdom about medicinal plants was preserved. Still, the general pattern of the communal herbal landscape follows relatively well the pattern of the plant use in folk medicine in Estonia at the time under review, with just a few exceptions.