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Dissertation

Political economy of port competition : institutional analyses of Rotterdam, Southern California and Dubai

01 Jan 2007-

AboutThe article was published on 2007-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 37 citation(s) till now. The article focuses on the topic(s): Port (computer networking) & Competition (economics).

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Citations
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01 Jan 2003
Abstract: 20th anniversary edition of "The End of History and the Last Man", a landmark of political philosophy by Francis Fukuyama, author of "The Origins of Political Order". With the fall of Berlin Wall in 1989 the threat of the Cold War which had dominated the second half of the twentieth century vanished. And with it the West looked to the future with optimism but renewed uncertainty. "The End of History and the Last Man" was the first book to offer a picture of what the new century would look like. Boldly outlining the challenges and problems to face modern liberal democracies, Frances Fukuyama examined what had just happened and then speculated what was going to come next. Tackling religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes and war, "The End of History and the Last Man" remains a compelling work to this day, provoking argument and debate among its readers. "Awesome ...a landmark ...profoundly realistic and important ...supremely timely and cogent ...the first book to fully fathom the depth and range of the changes now sweeping through the world." (George Gilder, "The Washington"). Post Francis Fukuyama was born in Chicago in 1952. His work includes "America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy" and "After the Neo Cons: Where the Right went Wrong". He now lives in Washington D.C. with his wife and children, where he also works as a part time photographer.

235 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: Bringing in neo-institutional perspectives, this paper investigates the recent corporatisation process of three seaports in Asia and Europe. We focus on whether the newly established seaport governance structures follow a path largely affected by the local/national institutional frameworks and the political traditions in place. Findings confirm that path-dependent decisions largely preserve the institutional characteristics of local/national systems, resulting in implementation asymmetries when different countries seek generic governance solutions.

151 citations


Cites background from "Political economy of port competiti..."

  • ...Given calls for more balanced regional development (see Jacobs, 2007b), the government also ensured that the PoR would not gain significant competitive advantage due to public financing....

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  • ...…line with the transformation of Singapore (Airriess, 2001a) and Dubai (Jacobs and Hall, 2007) to global hubs, the comparative study of ports in South California, Dubai, and Rotterdam by Jacobs (2007a; 2007b), and Lee et al's (2008) remarks on the importance of contextual traditions for port models....

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  • ...…representatives, the national government pushed a (trans)port expansion agenda (the Main-port Agenda) against the reservations of city authorities who were less keen on attracting more business within the port's premises through too drastic port governance reform (for details, see Jacobs, 2007b)....

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  • ...It is only recently that scholars (ie Hall, 2003; Jacobs, 2007a; Jacobs and Hall, 2007) have focused on a concept previously applied in the context of transportation (Heritier et al, 2001) and maritime (Pallis, 2002) policy evolution: institutional settings do matter....

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  • ...…political traditions and relevant frameworks on port governance between (or within) nations has only recently attracted academic interest, with Airriess (2001a), Hall (2003), Jacobs (2007a), and Jacobs and Hall (2007) examining Singapore, Baltimore, Dubai, and Los Angeles/Long Beach, respectively....

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Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: In this article we analyse the location patterns of firms that provide specialized advanced producer services (APS) to international commodity chains that move through seaports. Such activities can take place in world cities or in port cities. The analysis of APS location patterns in port cities provides a good opportunity to integrate the study of world cities into the framework of Global Production Networks. Based upon our empirical findings, we conclude that while port-related APS activities predominantly follow the world city hierarchy, a number of port cities stand out because they act as nodes in global commodity flows and as centres of advanced services related to shipping and port activities. Based on these empirical findings we address future avenues of research.

140 citations


Cites background from "Political economy of port competiti..."

  • ...However, some cities that did not rank high in the GaWC research, such as Houston, Rotterdam, Panama City, Piraeus, Hamburg and Antwerp, clearly emerge as prime locations....

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  • ...Second, ports are important transport nodes in the global supply chains of specific commodities in which value is created (Jacobs 2007; Robinson 2002; Wang et al. 2007) but have hardly been analysed from the GCC-GVC-GPN perspective....

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  • ...Institutionally, the devolution of local government control on the port‟s management (see Brooks and Cullinane 2007; Jacobs 2007) further eroded port-city relationships....

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Posted Content
Abstract: In April 1956, a refitted oil tanker carried fifty-eight shipping containers from Newark to Houston. From that modest beginning, container shipping developed into a huge industry that made the boom in global trade possible. The Box tells the dramatic story of the container's creation, the decade of struggle before it was widely adopted, and the sweeping economic consequences of the sharp fall in transportation costs that containerization brought about. Published on the fiftieth anniversary of the first container voyage, this is the first comprehensive history of the shipping container. It recounts how the drive and imagination of an iconoclastic entrepreneur, Malcom McLean, turned containerization from an impractical idea into a massive industry that slashed the cost of transporting goods around the world and made the boom in global trade possible. But the container didn't just happen. Its adoption required huge sums of money, both from private investors and from ports that aspired to be on the leading edge of a new technology. It required years of high-stakes bargaining with two of the titans of organized labor, Harry Bridges and Teddy Gleason, as well as delicate negotiations on standards that made it possible for almost any container to travel on any truck or train or ship. Ultimately, it took McLean's success in supplying U.S. forces in Vietnam to persuade the world of the container's potential. Drawing on previously neglected sources, economist Marc Levinson shows how the container transformed economic geography, devastating traditional ports such as New York and London and fueling the growth of previously obscure ones, such as Oakland. By making shipping so cheap that industry could locate factories far from its customers, the container paved the way for Asia to become the world's workshop and brought consumers a previously unimaginable variety of low-cost products from around the globe.

131 citations


Report SeriesDOI
Abstract: This report provides a synthesis of main findings from the OECD Port-Cities Programme, created in 2010 in order to assess the impact of ports on their cities and provide policy recommendations to increase the positive impacts of ports on their cities.

119 citations


Cites background from "Political economy of port competiti..."

  • ...A port-city is a complex territorial, social and industrial organisation, whose developmental trajectory is determined by a number of actors – ranging from local to national scales of government, and including private and public actors – each of which has a different set of interests and motivations (Jacobs 2007)....

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References
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Book
01 Jan 1990
Abstract: Continuing his groundbreaking analysis of economic structures, Douglass North develops an analytical framework for explaining the ways in which institutions and institutional change affect the performance of economies, both at a given time and over time. Institutions exist, he argues, due to the uncertainties involved in human interaction; they are the constraints devised to structure that interaction. Yet, institutions vary widely in their consequences for economic performance; some economies develop institutions that produce growth and development, while others develop institutions that produce stagnation. North first explores the nature of institutions and explains the role of transaction and production costs in their development. The second part of the book deals with institutional change. Institutions create the incentive structure in an economy, and organisations will be created to take advantage of the opportunities provided within a given institutional framework. North argues that the kinds of skills and knowledge fostered by the structure of an economy will shape the direction of change and gradually alter the institutional framework. He then explains how institutional development may lead to a path-dependent pattern of development. In the final part of the book, North explains the implications of this analysis for economic theory and economic history. He indicates how institutional analysis must be incorporated into neo-classical theory and explores the potential for the construction of a dynamic theory of long-term economic change. Douglass C. North is Director of the Center of Political Economy and Professor of Economics and History at Washington University in St. Louis. He is a past president of the Economic History Association and Western Economics Association and a Fellow, American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He has written over sixty articles for a variety of journals and is the author of The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History (CUP, 1973, with R.P. Thomas) and Structure and Change in Economic History (Norton, 1981). Professor North is included in Great Economists Since Keynes edited by M. Blaug (CUP, 1988 paperback ed.)

26,472 citations


Posted Content
Abstract: Examines the role that institutions, defined as the humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction, play in economic performance and how those institutions change and how a model of dynamic institutions explains the differential performance of economies through time. Institutions are separate from organizations, which are assemblages of people directed to strategically operating within institutional constraints. Institutions affect the economy by influencing, together with technology, transaction and production costs. They do this by reducing uncertainty in human interaction, albeit not always efficiently. Entrepreneurs accomplish incremental changes in institutions by perceiving opportunities to do better through altering the institutional framework of political and economic organizations. Importantly, the ability to perceive these opportunities depends on both the completeness of information and the mental constructs used to process that information. Thus, institutions and entrepreneurs stand in a symbiotic relationship where each gives feedback to the other. Neoclassical economics suggests that inefficient institutions ought to be rapidly replaced. This symbiotic relationship helps explain why this theoretical consequence is often not observed: while this relationship allows growth, it also allows inefficient institutions to persist. The author identifies changes in relative prices and prevailing ideas as the source of institutional alterations. Transaction costs, however, may keep relative price changes from being fully exploited. Transaction costs are influenced by institutions and institutional development is accordingly path-dependent. (CAR)

25,990 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: How behavior and institutions are affected by social relations is one of the classic questions of social theory. This paper concerns the extent to which economic action is embedded in structures of social relations, in modern industrial society. Although the usual neoclasical accounts provide an "undersocialized" or atomized-actor explanation of such action, reformist economists who attempt to bring social structure back in do so in the "oversocialized" way criticized by Dennis Wrong. Under-and oversocialized accounts are paradoxically similar in their neglect of ongoing structures of social relations, and a sophisticated account of economic action must consider its embeddedness in such structures. The argument in illustrated by a critique of Oliver Williamson's "markets and hierarchies" research program.

24,320 citations


"Political economy of port competiti..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Proponents of this model (cf. Granovetter 1985) see institutional change as arising out of collective processes of interpretation, and emphasis is put on the ways in which existing institutions structure and circumscribe the range of institutional change and creation....

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Book
01 Jan 1990
Abstract: The Need for a New Paradigm - PART I: FOUNDATIONS - The Competitive Advantage of Firms in Global Industries - Determinants of National Competitive Advantage - The Dynamics of National Advantage - PART II: INDUSTRIES - Four Studies in National Competitive Advantage - National Competitive Advantage in Services - PART III: NATIONS - Patterns of National Competitive Advantage: The Early Postwar Winners - Emerging Nations in the 1970s and 1980s - Shifting National Advantage - The Competitive Development of National Economies - PART IV: IMPLICATIONS - Company Strategy - Government Policy - National Agendas - Epilogue - Appendices - References

22,081 citations


"Political economy of port competiti..." refers background in this paper

  • ...This argument is associated with the work on clusters (Porter, 1990), industrial districts (Piore & Sabel, 1984) and agglomeration-economies (Krugman, 1995)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: NE of the most important recent developments in the area of "applied economic theory" has been the work of Musgrave and Samuelson in public finance theory.2 The two writers agree on what is probably the major point under investigation, namely, that no "market type" solution exists to determine the level of expenditures on public goods. Seemingly, we are faced with the problem of having a rather large portion of our national income allocated in a "non-optimal" way when compared with the private sector. This discussion will show that the Musgrave-Samuelson analysis, which is valid for federal expenditures, need not apply to local expenditures. The plan of the discussion is first to restate the assumptions made by Musgrave and Samuelson and the central problems with which they deal. After looking at a key difference between the federal versus local cases, I shall present a simple model. This model yields a solution for the level of expenditures for local public goods which reflects the preferences of the population more adequately than they can be reflected at the national level. The assumptions of the model will then be relaxed to see what implications are involved. Finally, policy considerations will be discussed.

11,481 citations


"Political economy of port competiti..." refers background in this paper

  • ...In such a situation, citizens and businesses can ‘vote with their feet’ (Tiebout, 1956) in the search for the most favorable package of welfare services and taxes within the metropolitan area....

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