Political Reaction and Global Pressures
01 Jan 2020-pp 81-132
TL;DR: Kochtcheeva as discussed by the authors examines the uneven and varied character of political globalization in Russia and argues that the intention of sovereign domestic development, protection of geopolitical and internal interests, as well as noninterference in Russia's affairs became stronger over time.
Abstract: This chapter discusses the uneven and varied character of political globalization in Russia. Kochtcheeva examines the imbalance in the extent and outcomes of globalization, including the role of the state, the opportunities and challenges of democratization, and formation of new regional and global regimes and configurations of power. The question of Russia’s place in the world becomes ever more acute taking into account the protracted Ukrainian crisis, NATO expansion, the increasing collaboration with China, and the possible scenarios for Russia’s international standing. The chapter argues that the intention of sovereign domestic development, protection of geopolitical and internal interests, as well as noninterference in Russia’s affairs became stronger over time. Internationally, Russia continues to stress the concept of new world politics based on the reinstatement of a multipolar international political system in which all major powers have legitimate voice.
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Book•
01 Jan 1991
TL;DR: The third wave of democratization in the late 1970s and early 1990s as mentioned in this paper is the most important political trend in the last half of the 20th century, according to the authors.
Abstract: Between 1974 and 1990 more than thirty countries in southern Europe, Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe shifted from authoritarian to democratic systems of government. This global democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend in the late twentieth century. In The Third Wave, Samuel P. Huntington analyzes the causes and nature of these democratic transitions, evaluates the prospects for stability of the new democracies, and explores the possibility of more countries becoming democratic. The recent transitions, he argues, are the third major wave of democratization in the modem world. Each of the two previous waves was followed by a reverse wave in which some countries shifted back to authoritarian government. Using concrete examples, empirical evidence, and insightful analysis, Huntington provides neither a theory nor a history of the third wave, but an explanation of why and how it occurred.Factors responsible for the democratic trend include the legitimacy dilemmas of authoritarian regimes; economic and social development; the changed role of the Catholic Church; the impact of the United States, the European Community, and the Soviet Union; and the ""snowballing"" phenomenon: change in one country stimulating change in others. Five key elite groups within and outside the nondemocratic regime played roles in shaping the various ways democratization occurred. Compromise was key to all democratizations, and elections and nonviolent tactics also were central. New democracies must deal with the ""torturer problem"" and the ""praetorian problem"" and attempt to develop democratic values and processes. Disillusionment with democracy, Huntington argues, is necessary to consolidating democracy. He concludes the book with an analysis of the political, economic, and cultural factors that will decide whether or not the third wave continues. Several ""Guidelines for Democratizers"" offer specific, practical suggestions for initiating and carrying out reform. Huntington's emphasis on practical application makes this book a valuable tool for anyone engaged in the democratization process. At this volatile time in history, Huntington's assessment of the processes of democratization is indispensable to understanding the future of democracy in the world.
6,968 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: The authors of as discussed by the authors argue that responsibility for Russian intervention in Ukraine in 2014, including its annexation of Crimea, lies with the U.S. and the European Union (EU) member state allies.
Abstract: The author argues that responsibility for the Russian intervention in Ukraine in 2014, including its annexation of Crimea, lies with the U.S. and the European Union (EU) member state allies. He states that they antagonized Russian President Vladimir Putin with support for the expansion of the NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) military alliance; the eastward expansion of the EU; and the movement of Ukraine out of Russia's sphere of influence to the Western sphere of through support of pro-democracy movements beginning with the Orange Revolution of 2004.
470 citations
360 citations
Book•
18 Feb 2010TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose a "sobjective" methodology for the study of practicality, which is based on the notion of the practical logic of peace, a theory of practice of security communities.
Abstract: 1. Introduction Part I. Restoring the Practical Logic of Peace: 2. The logic of practicality: a theory of practice of security communities 3. A 'sobjective' methodology for the study of practicality Part II. The Symbolic Power Politics of NATO-Russia Diplomacy: 4. The logic of practicality at the NATO-Russia council 5. The early steps: NATO, Russia and the double enlargement, 1992-7 6. The fallout: NATO and Russia from Kosovo to Georgia, 1998-2008 7. Conclusion.
271 citations
TL;DR: The United States' emergence as the sole global superpower now makes an integrated and comprehensive strategy for Eurasia imperative as discussed by the authors, which is home to most of the world s politically assertive and dynamic states.
Abstract: Seventy-five years ago, when the first issue of Foreign Affairs saw the light of day, the United States was a self-isolated Western hemi spheric power, sporadically involved in the affairs of Europe and Asia. World War II and the ensuing Cold War compelled the United States to develop a sustained commitment to Western Europe and the Far East. Americas emergence as the sole global superpower now makes an integrated and comprehensive strategy for Eurasia imperative. Eurasia is home to most of the world s politically assertive and dynamic states. All the historical pretenders to global power originated in Eurasia. The world s most populous aspirants to regional hegemony, China and India, are in Eurasia, as are all the potential political or eco nomic challengers to American primacy. After the United States, the next six largest economies and military spenders are there, as are all but one of the world s overt nuclear powers, and all but one of the covert ones. Eurasia accounts for 75 percent of the world s population, 60 per cent of its GNP, and 75 percent of its energy resources. Collectively, Eurasia's potential power overshadows even Americas. Eurasia is the world s axial supercontinent. A power that dominated Eurasia would exercise decisive influence over two of the worlds three
251 citations