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Journal Article•DOI•

Psychosocial interventions and children's rights: Beyond clinical discourse.

Angela Veale, Giorgia Doná
01 Mar 2002-Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology (Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.)-Vol. 8, Iss: 1, pp 47-61
TL;DR: In this paper, a brief psychologically informed analysis of the factors that contributed to genocide is presented as a means of outlining the political and cultural context in which psychosocial interventions operate.
Abstract: There has been a significant increase in psychosocial interventions in the aftermath of ethno-political violence. Rwanda after genocide received sustained psychological attention and this paper critically examines the contribution of psychosocial interventions to the broader development agenda of reconstruction and rehabilitation. We undertake a brief psychologically informed analysis of the factors that contributed to genocide as a means of outlining the political and cultural context in which psychosocial interventions operate. During the violence, ethnicity was politically mobilised, communities polarised, social networks fragmented. An analysis of psychosocial interventions for children highlights that programmes have not examined implications of social power and status before reintegration and community based psychosocial interventions have been slow to develop. An examination of how psychological knowledge has been utilised in post-genocide re-constructive efforts shows that ‘trauma’ has been a dominant discourse. We explore the potential impact of a narrow focus on victims and survivors on societal rehabilitation, and reflect on the implications of how ‘trauma’ may be appropriated and politicised as a symbol of genocide and political legitimacy. This leads to reflection on groups that have been marginalised from psychosocial support and the potential implications of this. The paper concludes with an analysis of what a rights framework can contribute to psychosocial interventions in linking psychosocial work more centrally to broader political and development analysis.

Summary (2 min read)

Jump to: [Publisher statement:] – [A psychological analysis of the Rwandan genocide] – [A critical analysis of psychosocial interventions] – [Implications of the trauma model] – [Role of the Convention on the Rights of the Child] and [Conclusion]

Publisher statement:

  • “This article may not exactly replicate the final version published in the APA journal.
  • Information on how to cite items within roar@uel: http://www.uel.ac.uk/roar/openaccess.htm#Citing.
  • To appear in: Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology Feb 2002 Psychosocial interventions and children’s rights: Beyond clinical discourse Angela Veale, Ph. D., Department of Applied Psychology, National University of Ireland, Cork, Ireland.

A psychological analysis of the Rwandan genocide

  • Before attempting to understand the contribution of psychosocial programs for children in Rwanda, it is important to understand the local context in which intervention operates.
  • With independence and the 1959 social revolution, power was violently switched from the Tutsi to the hands of the Hutus From 1961 to 1964, Tutsi refugees launched guerrilla assaults from Rwanda’s borders.
  • In the Rwandan context, where social power is dealt with secretly e.g. akazu (inner political circle, family) and is not necessarily verbalized (Rukebesha, 1985), this facilitated genocide to occur (Uvin, 1998).

A critical analysis of psychosocial interventions

  • In Rwanda, the large numbers of children moved from children’s centers to community settings through reunification and fostering is regarded as a key indicator of success.
  • Children can even occupy contradictory positions; for example in Rwanda, an uncle may regard a reunified child as his own but the child’s status among peers in the community may be as an orphan.
  • This captures one of the main dynamics in communities post-genocide, the difficulty of voicing issues of frayed social relations, radicalized ethnic identity, distrust and “no more fellowship between people”.
  • The Rwandan genocide has become fundamentally a story of individual and societal trauma.
  • A gender bias in the delivery of psychological interventions may have political implications that is worthy of further analysis.

Implications of the trauma model

  • ‘Trauma’ therefore has been a dominant psychological discourse in Rwanda.
  • The National Trauma Center was overseen by an inter-ministerial committee composed of representatives of various Ministries, and it is currently managed within the Ministry of Health.
  • Trauma approaches sit comfortably with the dominant narrative of genocide, victim and survivor, widows and orphans, and the political consolidation of this as the Rwandan identity in international circles.
  • Arguably, trauma approaches, in the absence of an analysis of their political embeddedness, identify with and perpetuate a narrative that does not necessarily promote unity, reintegration and reconciliation.
  • Yet there has been no advocacy for the children of the 90,000 detained parents who have the obligation of taking food to the prison but no contact is allowed, thus this relationship has effectively ceased to function.

Role of the Convention on the Rights of the Child

  • There is some tensions between principles of the Convention and the positioning of the child in Rwandan culture.
  • While psychological needs are perceived to have their locus in the internal psychological world of the child, a rights focus makes psychological rights indivisible from economic, political, social and cultural rights (Reichenberg & Friedman, 1996).
  • Even within family contexts, power and status is linked to opportunity and resources, and not all children have equal status, as Rwandan proverbs on the orphan child attest to.
  • Psychologists have begun to play a role in the emerging arena of reconciliation work.

Conclusion

  • This article has analyzed psychosocial responses for children in Rwanda in the aftermath of ethno-political violence, and it has attempted to situate psychosocial work within the wider political and social context.
  • There has been an unreflective focus on women and children, rather than men and adolescent boys, who arguably are more politically threatening.
  • Interventions have been unreflective of local knowledge and understanding.
  • The Convention on the Rights of the Child challenges child oriented psychosocial interventions to move from a needs to a rights based analysis, and it provides a framework for psychologists to articulate the contribution of psychologically informed analysis in the arena of humanitarian assistance.
  • More challenging, it forces psychologists to situate their own knowledge in a broader economic, social cultural, and political perspective.

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Author(s): Angela Veale and Giorgia Donà
Article Title: Psychosocial Interventions and Children’s Rights: Beyond Clinical
Discourse
Year of publication: 2002
Citation: Veale, A. and Donà, G. (2002) Psychosocial Interventions and Children’s
Rights: Beyond Clinical Discourse’. Peace & Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology,
8(1), pp. 47-61.
Link to published version:
dx.doi.org/10.1207/S15327949PAC0801_5
Publisher statement:
“This article may not exactly replicate the final version published in the APA
journal. It is not the copy of record.”
Information on how to cite items within roar@uel:
http://www.uel.ac.uk/roar/openaccess.htm#Citing
1
To appear in: Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology Feb 2002
Psychosocial interventions and children’s rights:
Beyond clinical discourse
Angela Veale, Ph. D.,
Department of Applied Psychology,
National University of Ireland, Cork,
Ireland.
Giorgia Donà, Ph.D.
Department of Anthropology and Sociology,
University of East London,
U.K.
Address for correspondence:
Angela Veale, Ph. D. Department of Applied Psychology, North Mall,
National University of Ireland, Cork,Ireland.
Phone 00-353-21-904551
Fax: 00-353-21-27043
E-mail: a.veale@ucc.ie
2
Abstract
There has been a significant increase in psychosocial interventions in the aftermath of ethno-
political violence. Rwanda after genocide received sustained psychological attention and this
paper critically examines the contribution of psychosocial interventions to the broader
development agenda of reconstruction and rehabilitation. We undertake a brief
psychologically informed analysis of the factors that contributed to genocide as a means of
outlining the political and cultural context in which psychosocial interventions operate.
During the violence, ethnicity was politically mobilised, communities polarised, social
networks fragmented. An analysis of psychosocial interventions for children highlights that
programmes have not examined implications of social power and status before reintegration
and community based psychosocial interventions have been slow to develop. An
examination of how psychological knowledge has been utilised in post-genocide re-
constructive efforts shows that ‘trauma’ has been a dominant discourse. We explore the
potential impact of a narrow focus on victims and survivors on societal rehabilitation, and
reflect on the implications of how ‘trauma’ may be appropriated and politicised as a symbol
of genocide and political legitimacy. This leads to reflection on groups that have been
marginalised from psychosocial support and the potential implications of this. The paper
concludes with an analysis of what a rights framework can contribute to psychosocial
interventions in linking psychosocial work more centrally to broader political and
development analysis.
3
Psychosocial Interventions and Children’s Rights: Beyond clinical discourse
As a discipline, psychology is struggling to articulate its contribution to policy and practice in
international post-conflict emergency and social reconstruction contexts (Mays et al., 1998).
Increasingly, psychologists work alongside local and international development professionals
in implementing strategies to address the impact of political violence on children, their
families and communities. Key child oriented policy documents on children in war such as
the Graça Machel Report on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Children and the report of the
International Save the Children Alliance Working Group on Children affected by Armed
Conflict and Displacement have made explicit reference to the obligations of State parties
and non government organizations to support the psychological recovery and social
reintegration of children after war (Okorodudu, 1998).
The Machel study has established the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child as
the guiding framework for policy and practice with respect to children in conflict and post
conflict situations. The Convention arguably offers a holistic framework for situating the
development of psychosocial programs in post emergency contexts (Wessells, 1997), yet a
child rights framework has been marginal within psychology until recently (Murphy-Berman
et al., 1996; Reichenberg & Freidman, 1996). Psychologists working with different cultural
and ethnic groups are often challenged about their assumptions and practices; similarly those
who work in non western conflict situations find themselves challenged to position
psychological analyses among non psychological discourses drawn from human rights,
political analysis, and development. Working in this multi-disciplinary environment
challenges psychologists to examine and define their voice in the complex political, socio-
cultural and rights oriented arena of humanitarian assistance.
4
Compared to other post-conflict contexts, the dominant narrative around Rwanda has
been a psychological one. Rwanda, in the aftermath of genocide, was targeted almost
immediately for psychologically informed programs to address perceived widespread trauma
(Summerfield,1999). According to Smith (1998), Rwanda, after genocide, continues to be
“deeply troubled” (p 751) and argues the need for widespread “social therapy” within a
psychocultural framework. He argues children in particular may have been most
psychologically affected by violence witnessed and experienced, and quotes the conclusions
of Geltman & Stover (1997) that in psychiatric interviews, “Our findings suggest that many
Rwandan children have suffered inordinate and in some cases, irreparable physical and
psychological damage…. if these children cannot reach some form of reconciliation with the
violence they have experienced, many may turn to maladaptive and violent behavior”(p29,
Geltman & Stover, in Smith, 199, p 752).
This article presents a critique of clinicalized approaches to psychosocial
intervention in non-Western settings and argues for a rights-based approach, linking
psychosocial assistance with political and economic reconstruction. We will do so by
exploring the challenges of developing psychosocial responses for children in Rwanda in the
aftermath of ethno-political violence. It aims to describe the types of responses that were
developed, and to reflect on what has been the contribution of psychosocial programs. The
analysis examines the positioning of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in
psychosocial policy and practice. The discussion explores the contribution of integrating a
psychological and a rights perspective more closely in post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda
.
A psychological analysis of the Rwandan genocide
Before attempting to understand the contribution of psychosocial programs for children in
Rwanda, it is important to understand the local context in which intervention operates. The
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Linda M. Woolf1, Michael R. Hulsizer•
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Eric Awich Ochen1•
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Life Goes On: Psychosocial Suffering from war and healing pathways in northern Rwanda.

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Y Otake
24 Aug 2017
TL;DR: The authors explored the ways in which local communities in Musanze, northern Rwanda, heal psychosocial suffering from the war period between 1990 and 2000 in the context of limited humanitarian aid.
Abstract: This thesis explores the ways in which local communities in Musanze, northern Rwanda, heal psychosocial suffering from the war period between 1990 and 2000 in the context of limited humanitarian aid. Employing a narrative approach, it unpacks experience of psychosocial suffering, elaborates the ways in which communities heal themselves, and describes the meaning of ‘healing’ in the light of local views of morality, life and death. Qualitative analysis drew on participant observation, in-depth interviews, and focus-group discussions based on ten months of ethnographic fieldwork, which built on prior life and work experience in the field over two years. Findings first describe local conceptualizations of psychosocial sufferings. These fell on a spectrum constructed by the degree of social disconnection reported by participants and how far their thoughts and memories were oriented towards a wounded past. A key element of suffering was the literal ‘unspeakability’ of many wounds due to politically-sensitive circumstances. This related to difficulties in making sense of what they have experienced. Narratives of healing pathways described a common theme of leaving the past behind and going forward to the future through participation in different communities, including church-based groups, traditional mutual-saving groups, and neighbourhood relationships. In the context of the unspeakability of many wounds, communities provided alternative ways of healing from ‘speaking’ of wounds directly. These include: allowing members to make sense of their sufferings through religious and traditional activities, everyday-life practices, and life-event ceremonies. The thesis highlights that, in this setting, healing is not conceptualized as ‘recovery’ as assumed by Western theories, but rather, as a trajectory of ‘life goes on’: that is, that time continues into the future. In this emic experience of healing, the focus is not on traumatic time but on time ‘being lived’ as part of life, and a series of lives handed over from generation to generation, through sharing everyday life and significant life events. In other words, healing can take place through social connection in a wider time-scale than trauma.

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Cites background from "Psychosocial interventions and chil..."

  • ...Particularly focused on the political context of Rwanda, researchers have been aware that one distinct group in the country, the Hutu, are silenced due to intense political oppression (Burnet, 2012, Doná, 2010a, Rutayisire and Richters, 2014, Veale and Doná, 2002)....

    [...]

  • ...Academics who take the psychosocial position, mostly critical psychologists, reflected the existing psychosocial interventions which adopt cultural and anthropological perspectives (Veale and Doná, 2002, Kostelny, 2006, Wessells, 2009)....

    [...]

Book Chapter•DOI•
Forced Migration, and Material and Virtual Mobility among Rwandan Children and Young People

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Giorgia Doná1•
University of East London1
01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: For instance, the authors show that children and young people are increasingly part of global migration circuits, and many of them simultaneously grow up and move, having to negotiate new ways of belonging and develop new coping strategies and resilience.
Abstract: Research on global migration continues to be mainly about adult migration (Castles and Miller 2003), and the migration of children and young people is generally subsumed within that of adults or conceptualized as a separate, almost exceptional, phenomenon (Dona 2006). Yet, children and young people are increasingly part of global migration circuits (Hashim and Thorsen 2011; Salazar Parrenas 2005), and many of them simultaneously grow up and move, having to negotiate new ways of belonging (Ni Laoire et al. 2011) and develop new coping strategies and resilience (Ensor and Gozdziak 2010).

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Peacebuilding and development

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Mats Berdal
01 Jan 2013
TL;DR: Berdal as mentioned in this paper examines the post-Cold War rise of peacebuilding as an activity that has come to involve a major role for development and development actors, considering the geo-political and normative background to the rise, and traces the initial efforts to operationalize the concept of post-conflict peacebuilding.
Abstract: The attempt to explore, through philosophical reflection or academic inquiry, the relationship between war and development has a long history. It is only with the end of the Cold War, however, that “peacebuilding” came to be identified as a distinctive concept referring to activities by external actors aimed at establishing foundations for lasting peace and development. The chapter examines the post-Cold War rise of peacebuilding as an activity that has come to involve a major role for development and development actors. It considers the geo-political and normative background to the rise, and traces the initial efforts to operationalize the concept of “post-conflict peacebuilding”. It is specifically concerned with the challenges that war-torn societies have posed for development actors wedded to “traditional,” often technocratic and self-consciously apolitical modes of engagement. It also considers the growing importance attached to local context and local realities in discussions of peacebuilding and development. Mats Berdal Peacebuilding and Development Chapter 21 Page 2 Acknowledgments: I am most grateful for the comments provided by Michael Pugh and Dominik Zaum on an earlier draft of this chapter.

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References
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Journal Article•DOI•
The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence.

[...]

Leo Kuper, Ervin Staub
01 Sep 1990-Contemporary Sociology
TL;DR: The psychological and cultural bases of genocide and other forms of group violence are discussed in this paper, with a focus on the psychology of hard times and the effects of difficult life conditions.
Abstract: Pt. 1. Psychological and cultural bases of genocide and other forms of group violence: An introduction ; The origins of genocide and mass killing : core concepts ; The psychology of hard times : the effects of difficult life conditions ; Cultural and individual characteristics ; The psychology of perpetrators : individuals and groups ; Steps along a continuum of destruction : perpetrators and bystanders -- pt. 2. The Nazi Holocaust: Hitler comes to power ; Preconditions for the Holocaust in German culture ; Nazi rule and steps along the continuum of destruction ; The SS and the psychology of perpetrators ; The behavior and psychology of bystanders and victims -- pt. .3 Other genocides and mass killings: The Turkish genocide of the Armenians ; Cambodia : genocide to create a better world ; The disappearances : mass killing in Argentina ; Summary and conclusions : the societal and psychological origins of genocide and other atrocities -- pt. 4. Further extensions : the roots of war and the creation of caring and nonaggressive persons and societies: The cultural and psychological origins of war ; The nature of groups : security, power, justice, and positive connection ; The creation and evolution of caring, connection, and nonaggression.

961 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
A critique of seven assumptions behind psychological trauma programmes in war-affected areas.

[...]

Derek Summerfield
01 May 1999-Social Science & Medicine
TL;DR: It is argued that for the vast majority of survivors posttraumatic stress is a pseudocondition, a reframing of the understandable suffering of war as a technical problem to which short-term technical solutions like counselling are applicable.

911 citations

"Psychosocial interventions and chil..." refers background in this paper

  • ...This hints at locating understandings of mental health in an historical, collective analysis as opposed to internal and individualistic accounts typical of western psychology (Summerfield, 1999)....

    [...]

  • ...Rwanda, in the aftermath of genocide, was targeted almost immediately for psychologically informed programs to address perceived widespread trauma (Summerfield,1999)....

    [...]

  • ...…field, there is a debate as to whether psychological interventions in post-conflict contexts can often represent a de-contextualised response to the destruction of social fabric (Summerfield, 1999) or are a valuable solution for addressing the needs of affected populations (Agger, 1995)....

    [...]

  • ...While arguably ‘trauma’ may have been a Western model imposed on a non-Western context (Summerfield, 1999), trauma quickly became appropriated within a dominant political narrative (but without political reflection)....

    [...]

  • ...In PTSD models, a focus on individual needs has been argued to victimize and pathologise individual “sufferers” (Summerfield, 1999)....

    [...]

Book•
The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence

[...]

Ervin Staub
27 Oct 1989
TL;DR: The psychological and cultural bases of genocide and other forms of group violence are discussed in this paper, with a focus on the psychology of hard times and the effects of difficult life conditions.
Abstract: Pt. 1. Psychological and cultural bases of genocide and other forms of group violence: An introduction ; The origins of genocide and mass killing : core concepts ; The psychology of hard times : the effects of difficult life conditions ; Cultural and individual characteristics ; The psychology of perpetrators : individuals and groups ; Steps along a continuum of destruction : perpetrators and bystanders -- pt. 2. The Nazi Holocaust: Hitler comes to power ; Preconditions for the Holocaust in German culture ; Nazi rule and steps along the continuum of destruction ; The SS and the psychology of perpetrators ; The behavior and psychology of bystanders and victims -- pt. .3 Other genocides and mass killings: The Turkish genocide of the Armenians ; Cambodia : genocide to create a better world ; The disappearances : mass killing in Argentina ; Summary and conclusions : the societal and psychological origins of genocide and other atrocities -- pt. 4. Further extensions : the roots of war and the creation of caring and nonaggressive persons and societies: The cultural and psychological origins of war ; The nature of groups : security, power, justice, and positive connection ; The creation and evolution of caring, connection, and nonaggression.

750 citations

Book•
Aiding Violence: The Development Enterprise in Rwanda

[...]

Peter Uvin
01 Jan 1998
TL;DR: Uvin this article focused on the 1990s dynamics of militarization and polarization that resulted in the genocide in Rwanda and revealed how aid enterprises reacted, or failed to react, to those dynamics.
Abstract: This book should be read by everyone involved in development. For those with some knowledge of Rwanda, reading it is nothing short of a cathartic experience. Much of what Peter Uvin has distilled so carefully and passionately from the Rwandan experience is also painfully relevant for other parts of the world. - Development in Practice Paradigm-rocking... simply must be required reading for anyone who desires to set foot in an African nation, no matter how noble or lofty their goals. - WorldViews An invaluable anatomy of the way development aid to Rwanda before the genocide contributed to what took place - essential reading for anyone with a tender conscience and a strong stomach. - The New Republic *Winner of the African Studies Association's 1999 Herskovits Award *A boldly critical look at structural violence relating to the 1994 Rwanda genocide Aiding Violence expresses outrage at the contradiction of massive genocide in a country considered by Western aid agencies to be a model of development. Focusing on the 1990s dynamics of militarization and polarization that resulted in genocide, Uvin reveals how aid enterprises reacted, or failed to react, to those dynamics. By outlining the profound structural basis on which the genocidal edifice was built, the book exposes practices of inequality, exclusion, and humiliation throughout Rwanda.

684 citations

"Psychosocial interventions and chil..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Yet is there a danger that ‘reconciliation and unity’ is being used for political purposes, as ‘trauma’ arguably is, while a silence remains around issues of power, structural violence and deprivation (Uvin, 1998)....

    [...]

  • ...akazu (inner political circle, family) and is not necessarily verbalized (Rukebesha, 1985), this facilitated genocide to occur (Uvin, 1998)....

    [...]

  • ...Uvin (1998) has written passionately that, where aid has been (and continues to be) responsible for as much as 80% of the total investment budget of the government; aid is “at the same time, external to the political processes that causes the genocide and constituent of them” (p 228; italics in…...

    [...]

  • ...Uvin (1998) rejects the “obedience” hypothesis and argues that Rwandan culture, like some others, values the “non expression of disagreement” which is not the same as obedience (p 215)....

    [...]

  • ...For example, impunity for past violence has been cited as a causal factor of genocide (Uvin, 1998), and could be regarded as closely linked to “the caprice of ancestral spirits”....

    [...]

Journal Article•DOI•
From Intractable Conflict Through Conflict Resolution To Reconciliation: Psychological Analysis

[...]

Daniel Bar-Tal1•
Tel Aviv University1
01 Jun 2000-Political Psychology
TL;DR: The psychological aspect of reconciliation requires a change in the conflictive ethos, especially with respect to societal beliefs about group goals, about the adversary group, about ingroup, about intergroup relations, and about the nature of peace.
Abstract: Intractable intergroup conflicts require the formation of a conflictive ethos that enables a society to adapt to the conflict situation, survive the stressful period, and struggle successfully with the adversary. The formal termination of such a conflict begins with the elimination of the perceived incompatibility between the opposing parties through negotiation by their representatives—that is, a conflict resolution process. But this is only part of the long-term reconciliation process, which requires the formation of peaceful relations based on mutual trust and acceptance, cooperation, and consideration of mutual needs. The psychological aspect of reconciliation requires a change in the conflictive ethos, especially with respect to societal beliefs about group goals, about the adversary group, about the ingroup, about intergroup relations, and about the nature of peace. In essence, psychological reconciliation requires the formation of an ethos of peace, but this is extremely difficult in cases of intractable conflict. Political psychologists can and should work to improve the state of knowledge about reconciliation, which until now has received much less attention than conflict resolution. Conflicts are a natural part of human interaction. People in conflicts, whether at the individual or group level, perceive that their goals or interests are contradicted by the goals or interests of the other party (Kriesberg, 1998a; Mitchell, 1981; Rubin, Pruitt, & Kim, 1994). When we focus on intergroup conflicts, they concern contradictory, concrete goals in the domains of territories, resources, trade, selfdetermination, religious rights, cultural values, and so on. But a conflict becomes a reality for society members 1 only when a particular situation is identified as

529 citations

"Psychosocial interventions and chil..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Bar-Tal (2000) argues psychologists have a role to play in identifying the psychological elements of reconciliation such as mutual trust and acceptance, co-operation and a consideration of mutual needs....

    [...]

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Frequently Asked Questions (1)
Q1. What contributions have the authors mentioned in the paper "Psychosocial interventions and children’s rights: beyond clinical discourse" ?

In this paper, the authors analyze psychosocial responses for children in Rwanda in the aftermath of ethno-political violence, and it has attempted to situate psycho-social work within the wider political and social context.