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Journal ArticleDOI

R2P: From Idea to Norm—and Action?

01 Jan 2009-Global Responsibility To Protect (Brill)-Vol. 1, Iss: 1, pp 22-53
TL;DR: The most dramatic normative development of our time, comparable to the Nuremberg trials and the 1948 Convention on Genocide in the immediate aftermath of World War II, relates to the "responsibility to protect", the title of the 2001 report from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty.
Abstract: The most dramatic normative development of our time—comparable to the Nuremberg trials and the 1948 Convention on Genocide in the immediate aftermath of World War II—relates to the 'responsibility to protect', the title of the 2001 report from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. It no longer is necessary to finesse the tensions between sovereignty and human rights in the UN Charter; they can now be confronted because sovereignty no longer implies the license to kill. This essay outlines the origins of the R2P idea, describes the background factors in the 1990s that paved the way for the advancement of this norm by norm entrepreneurs, champions, and brokers. It continues with an account of the process by which the ICISS arrived at its landmark report, a description of the sustained engagement with the R2P agenda from 2001, when the ICISS report was published, to its adoption at the 2005 World Summit. The essay concludes with a sketch of the tasks and challenges that lie ahead to move R2P from a norm to a template for policy and action.

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R2P: From Idea to Norm—and Action?
Author
Thakur, Ramesh, G. Weiss, Thomas
Published
2009
Journal Title
Global Responsibility to Protect
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1163/187598409X405460
Copyright Statement
© 2009 Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden. This is the author-manuscript version of this paper.
Reproduced in accordance with the copyright policy of the publisher. Please refer to the journal
website for access to the definitive, published version.
Downloaded from
http://hdl.handle.net/10072/40521
Griffith Research Online
https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au

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R2P: From Idea to Normand Action?
Ramesh Thakur and Thomas G. Weiss
**
Abstract
The most dramatic normative development of our time—comparable to the
Nuremberg trials and the 1948 Convention on Genocide in the immediate aftermath
of World War IIrelates to the ‘responsibility to protect’, the title of the 2001 report
from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. It no
longer is necessary to finesse the tensions between sovereignty and human rights in
the UN Charter; they can now be confronted because sovereignty no longer implies
the license to kill. This essay outlines the origins of the R2P idea, describes the
background factors in the 1990s that paved the way for the advancement of this norm
by norm entrepreneurs, champions, and brokers. It continues with an account of the
process by which the ICISS arrived at its landmark report, a description of the
sustained engagement with the R2P agenda from 2001, when the ICISS report was
published, to its adoption at the 2005 World Summit. The essay concludes with a
sketch of the tasks and challenges that lie ahead to move R2P from a norm to a
template for policy and action.
**
Ramesh Thakur is the Foundation Director of the Balsillie School of International Affairs and
professor of political science at the University of Waterloo; Thomas G. Weiss is Presidential
Professor of Political Science and Director of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies, The
CUNY Graduate Center. This article draws on their forthcoming book, The United Nations and Global
Governance: An Unfinished Journey (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009).

- 2 -
The most fundamental human right is to life itself. Indeed, what could be more
fundamental to a working system of global governance, however defined and
however rudimentary? As Pope Benedict XVI put it in his address to the United
Nations General Assembly in New York in April 2008, ‘[r]ecognition of the unity of
the human family, and attention to the innate dignity of every man and woman, today
find renewed emphasis in the principle of the responsibility to protect…this principle
has to invoke the idea of the person as image of the Creator’.
1
But establishing a
universal standard to protect life under the most extreme threats represents a
normative challenge because outsiders wishing to protect or assist affected
populations confront the harsh reality of the nonintervention principle enshrined in
Article 2(7) of the UN Charter.
Possibly the most dramatic normative development of our time—comparable to the
Nuremberg trials and the 1948 Convention on Genocide in the immediate aftermath
of World War IIrelates to the use of military force to protect human beings. The
publication of Global R2P reflects the fact that no longer is it necessary to finesse the
tensions between sovereignty and human rights in the Charter; they can now be
confronted. Sovereignty no longer implies the license to kill. Or, as Princeton
University’s Gary Bass puts it in his masterful history of nineteenth-century efforts to
halt mass atrocities, “We are all atrocitarians now—but so far only in words, and not
yet in deeds.”
2
A norm can be defined statistically to mean the pattern of behaviour that is most
1
Pope Benedict XVI, ‘Address to the General Assembly of the United Nations’, UNO, New York
(Vatican City: Holy See Press Office, 18 April 2008).
2
Gary J. Bass, Freedom’s Battle: The Origins of Humanitarian Intervention (New York: Knopf, 2008),
382.

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common or usual, or the ‘normal curve’, a widely prevalent pattern of behaviour.
Alternatively, it can be defined ethically, to mean a pattern of behaviour that should
be followed in accordance with a given value system—or the moral code of a
society—a generally accepted standard of proper behaviour. In some instances, the
two meanings may converge in practice. In most cases, they will complement each
other, but in some cases, they may diverge. An especially good illustration of
divergence is the difficulty in operationalizing the norm of the responsibility to
protect as agreed to by heads of government meeting at the 2005 World Summit and
now commonly referred to as R2P.
Nonetheless, no idea has moved faster in the international normative arena than the
‘responsibility to protect’ the title of the 2001 report from the International
Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS).
3
Over time, domestic
and international jurisdictions are blurring, which became most evident with the
willingness—sometimes authorized by the United Nations, sometimes by regional
organizations—to shelve sacrosanct sovereignty by using military force for human
protection purposes in the 1990s.
Created from the ashes of the Second World War with the allies determined to
prevent a repeat of Adolf Hitler’s abominations, the United Nations for most of its
existence has focused far more on external aggression than internal mass killings. Yet
Nazi Germany was guilty of both. Unlike aggression against other countries, the
systematic and large-scale extermination of Jews was a new horror. In this new
century, the world organization is at long last elevating the doctrine of preventing
3
International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, The Responsibility to Protect
(Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001).

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mass atrocities against people to the same level of collective responsibility as
preventing and repelling armed aggression against states.
Traditional warfare is the use of force by rival armies of enemy states fighting over a
clash of interests: us against them. Collective security rests on the use of force by the
international community of states to defeat or punish an aggressor: all against one.
Traditional peacekeeping involves the insertion of neutral and lightly armed third-
party soldiers as a physical buffer between enemy combatants who have agreed to a
ceasefire. Peace enforcement accepted the use of force by better armedbut still
neutralinternational soldiers against spoilers.
R2P is a more sophisticated, and politically a far more broadly acceptable,
reformulation of the more familiar ‘humanitarian intervention’. It differs in that it
refers to the use of military force by outsiders for the protection of victims of mass
atrocities. R2P redefines sovereignty as responsibility and locates the responsibility in
the first instance with the state, but it argues that if the state is unwilling or unable to
honour the responsibility, or is itself the perpetrator of atrocities against its people,
then the residual responsibility to protect victims of atrocity crimes shifts to the
international community of states, acting ideally through the Security Council.
R2P has a decided UN flavour. Its roots are to be found in statements by former
Secretary-General Kofi Annan and the norm gives pride of place to the UN if the
international community of states is to honour its international responsibility to
protect—and if the norm is to be the basis of a new international consensus, this can
only come about in the UN forum.

Citations
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors compare and contrast R2P's development against the early stages of two theoretical models that deal most explicitly with contestation: the "spiral" of human rights change and the "cascade" of norm development.
Abstract: International relations scholars generally argue that norm-building requires a number of successful cases. This essay, however, is about three concrete examples when virtually everyone—except for the state citing it—disputes the legitimacy of applying the emerging norm of the responsibility-to-protect (R2P). Misrepresentations of humanitarian intentions can be disingenuous and geopolitically driven, as was the case for the US and UK war in Iraq and the Russian claim to protect South Ossetians, or disinterested but wrong, as was the French invocation of R2P for Burma. These cases suggest that misuses can advance norms through contestation and conceptual clarification. Because contestation prompts debates, denial, and tactical concessions on the norm in question, it is insightful to compare and contrast R2P's development against the early stages of two theoretical models that deal most explicitly with contestation: the “spiral” of human rights change and the “cascade” of norm development.

121 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The multilateral order cannot hold if the power and influence embedded in international institutions is significantly misaligned with the real distribution of power as mentioned in this paper, which is the case in many countries.
Abstract: The multilateral order cannot hold if the power and influence embedded in international institutions is significantly misaligned with the real distribution of power.1 As power and influence seep ou...

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Cites background from "R2P: From Idea to Norm—and Action?"

  • ...Another illustration of Chinese learning of new global norms is the speed with which Beijing adapted to the rise of the responsibility to protect or R2P as it is now commonly called that was formulated by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS).(35) Initially, during the ICISS outreach process in 2001,(36) the Chinese argued that humanitarianism is good, interventionism is bad, and humanitarian intervention is tantamount to marrying good to evil....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
Lisa Hultman1
TL;DR: The protection of civilians is now at the forefront of the responsibilities of the international community and there is a strong international norm that civilian populations should be protected from viole... as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Protection of civilians is now at the forefront of the responsibilities of the international community. There is a strong international norm that civilian populations should be protected from viole...

88 citations

Book
01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the relationship of the United States and China to the evolution of global order issues since 1945 and investigate how the bilateral relationship of each country influences the stances that each country takes.
Abstract: The United States and China are the two most important states in the international system and are crucial to the evolution of global order. Both recognize each other as vital players in a range of issues of global significance, including the use of force, macroeconomic policy, nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, climate change and financial regulation. In this book, Rosemary Foot and Andrew Walter, both experts in the fields of international relations and the East Asian region, explore the relationship of the two countries to these global order issues since 1945. They ask whether the behaviour of each country is consistent with global order norms, and which domestic and international factors shape this behaviour. They investigate how the bilateral relationship of the United States and China influences the stances that each country takes. This is a sophisticated analysis that adroitly engages the historical, theoretical and policy literature.

80 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the greater international exposure of human suffering through HRO “naming and shaming” activities starts a process of mobilization and opinion change in the international community that ultimately increases the likelihood of humanitarian military intervention.
Abstract: Do transnational human rights organizations (HROs) influence foreign military intervention onset? We argue that the greater international exposure of human suffering through HRO “naming and shaming” activities starts a process of mobilization and opinion change in the international community that ultimately increases the likelihood of humanitarian military intervention. This is a special corollary to the supposed “CNN Effect” in foreign policy; we argue that information from HROs can influence foreign policy decisions. We test the empirical implication of the argument on a sample of all non-Western countries from 1990 to 2005. The results suggest that HRO shaming makes humanitarian intervention more likely even after controlling for several other covariates of intervention decisions. HRO activities appear to have a significant impact on the likelihood of military missions by IGOs as well as interventions led by third-party states.

76 citations

Frequently Asked Questions (15)
Q1. What are the contributions in "R2p: from idea to norm—and action? author" ?

The most dramatic normative development of their time—comparable to the Nuremberg trials and the 1948 Convention on Genocide in the immediate aftermath of World War II—relates to the ‘ responsibility to protect ’, the title of the 2001 report from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. It continues with an account of the process by which the ICISS arrived at its landmark report, a description of the sustained engagement with the R2P agenda from 2001, when the ICISS report was published, to its adoption at the 2005 World Summit. This article draws on their forthcoming book, The United Nations and Global Governance: An Unfinished Journey ( Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009 ). 

The action to prevent and rebuild has to be undertaken by UN agencies acting collaboratively with local civil society actors, NGOs, and representatives of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement. 

Humanitarian imperatives and principles of sovereignty are reconciled through ‘the responsibility to protect’, a paraphrase of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ with some conceptual and enormous political consequences. 

The speed of modern communications makes borders increasingly permeable, while the volume of crossborder flows threatens to overwhelm the capacity of states to manage them. 

the proliferation of states has led to the creation and recognition of many states that are weak, fragile, disrupted, collapsed or failed. 

The need exists for continued advocacy and activism by civil society and concerned governments to remain steadfast and hold all governments’ feet to the fire of individual and collective responsibility to protect atrisk populations. 

Algeria, and Russia together account for what may be 1.5 million IDPs and are clearly uneasy with any publicity about the plight of those people. 

The international community of states has responded by drafting and adopting international legal instruments that ban mass atrocities. 

78 Supported by Australia, Belgium, Britain, Canada, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Rwanda, and other foundations and private donors, it will generate research, conduct high-level advocacy, and facilitate activities of those working to advance the R2P agenda.78 

For instance, the most thorough survey to date of victims in war zones suggests that there is too little rather than too much humanitarian intervention. 

Some of the most supportive critics criticized the summit’s emphasis on the state and the requirement for coercive measures to be authorized by the Security Council as constituting ‘R2P lite’, and others thought that the actual language in paragraphs 138- 139 of the World Summit Outcome Document was wordier and woollier than the ICISS version. 

Contradicting official sources, independent observers estimated that the death toll from Burma’s deadly Cyclone Nargis could surpass 100,000. 

At the same time, both require sensitive judgments: the use of external military force to protect civilians inside sovereign jurisdiction should first satisfy legitimacy criteria rooted largely in just war theory, while the prosecution of alleged atrocity criminals should be balanced against the consequences for the prospects and process of peace, the need for post-conflict reconciliation, and the fragility of international as well as domestic institutions. 

15There is yet another key background factor behind the rise of R2P, namely the softening of sovereignty in so many of its empirical dimensions. 

The weight of that historical baggage is simply too strong to sustain the continued use of the language of humanitarian intervention.