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Journal ArticleDOI

Religious Organizations and Homosexuality: The Acceptance of Gays and Lesbians in American Congregations

01 Jun 2013-Review of Religious Research (Springer-Verlag)-Vol. 55, Iss: 2, pp 297-317
TL;DR: This paper found that religious tradition, theological and political ideology, location, and demographic composition of congregations all influence the degree to which gays and lesbians are included into congregational life, and that religious congregations are most likely to allow lesbians and gays to become involved.
Abstract: The participation of gays and lesbians in all aspects of society is continually disputed in the United States. Religion is one of the key battlegrounds. The extent to which religious congregations include lesbians and gays in congregational life is vital to the wider debate over homosexuality because congregations consistently influence more Americans than any other voluntary social institution reported by Putnam (Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American community, Simon and Schuster, New York, 2000). Using nationally representative data from the 2006–2007 National Congregations Study this analysis investigates the level of acceptance of gays and lesbians within congregations as well as which congregations are most likely to allow lesbians and gays to become involved. I find that religious tradition, theological and political ideology, location, and demographic composition of congregations all influence the degree to which gays and lesbians are included into congregational life.

Summary (3 min read)

INTRODUCTION

  • The extent to which gays and lesbians are permitted to participate in social life is fiercely contested.
  • The battle in California over Proposition 8 and same-sex marriage, which began in late 2008, continues over three years later.
  • These questions and debates are even more influential when considering that the most pervasive form of religious organization, the congregation, consistently influences more Americans than any other voluntary social organization (Ammerman 1997; Chaves 2004 Chaves , 2011;; Putnam 2000) .
  • Therefore, if and to what extent religious congregations accept gays and lesbians will communicate a great deal about the access of this socially relevant minority to a significant organizational feature of American society.

RELIGION, CONGREGATIONS, AND HOMOSEXUALITY

  • The amount of research concerning religious organizations and the issue of homosexuality has grown in the last decade and a half.
  • Beyond religious tradition and theological and political ideology, a number of studies highlight the importance of demographic and structural differences when investigating congregational positions on moral issues (Ammerman 1997; Becker 1999; Hartman 1996) .
  • Those residing in mostly urban areas are usually more favorable regarding gays and lesbians (Ammerman 1997 ).

DATA

  • To test these hypotheses this study draws on data from the second wave (2006) (2007) of the National Congregations Study (NCS-II).
  • The surveys were completed using a 45-minute interview with one key informant from the congregation.
  • These include the propensity of key informants to overestimate the similarity of opinions within an organization, the key informant may not know what is actually taking place within the congregation, or the key informant may be simply reporting what the congregation's ideal stance would be.
  • Researchers should keep these weaknesses in mind and interpret the results of this study cautiously (Frenk et al.
  • The NCS-II is ideal for this study because it is the only nationally representative sample of congregations available that asks questions concerning congregational stances toward lesbians and gays.

Dependent Variables

  • The three dependent variables used in this analysis measure the extent to which congregations are open to lesbians and gays.
  • The first focuses upon whether congregations would allow gay men and lesbians to become members.
  • The question asks, "Would the following types of people be permitted to be full-fledged members of your congregation:.
  • The questions contained in the NCS (2006) (2007) are more straightforward concerning the congregation's stance and indicate exactly how and the extent to which the congregation prohibits homosexuality.
  • Possible responses for all questions were either "yes" (coded 1) or "no" (coded 0).

Independent Variables

  • To measure religious tradition, a series of dichotomous variables was created according to the RELTRAD typology (Steensland et al. 2000) .
  • 4 Mainline Protestant congregations serve as the contrast category in multivariate analyses.
  • Dummy variables were created for each response.
  • The size of the congregation and the year the congregation was founded are incorporated in the models as controls.

METHOD

  • I will provide both the percent of congregations that have a formal welcome statement and allow gays and lesbians to become members and leaders as well as the percent of regular worship service attenders that attend those congregations.
  • 5 Both of these viewpoints are substantively interesting.
  • I then present bivariate analyses of the independent and dependent variables.
  • Because the NCS-II is a probability-proportional-to-size sample, the percentage of regular attenders within various congregations is obtained by using a weight that accounts for the fact that some congregations were nominated by more than one person.
  • Included in the model had cases with missing information.

RESULTS

  • Table 1 displays the extent to which gays and lesbians in committed relationships are accepted in congregations in the United States.
  • An even smaller percentage of congregations have adopted formal statements of welcoming (5.7 percent).
  • 10 Table 2 includes all of the categorical or dichotomous variables and the data is weighted to obtain the percentage of congregations that exhibit each characteristic.
  • Congregations with a greater percentage of individuals with a bachelor's degree are more likely to allow lesbians and gay men to be both members and leaders, but no more likely to adopt a welcome statement.
  • These findings offer limited confirmation of hypothesis 8.

DISCUSSION

  • These results demonstrate that a host of congregational features are important when considering congregational responses toward the full inclusion of gay men and lesbians.
  • The results from the present investigation support this assertion: the theological and political ideology, demographic composition, and location of a congregation are all significantly associated with its acceptance of gays and lesbians in committed relationships beyond the effects of religious tradition.
  • It is not only what an individual's level of education might be, but also those around the individual that create the group's stance.
  • While a somewhat crude measure of location, the significant relationships between regions provide an impetus for further research focused on how location and place influence a congregation (Ammerman 1997) .
  • There are several limitations to this analysis worth mentioning.

CONCLUSION

  • The purpose of this study was to extend what is currently known concerning the responses of religious organizations to homosexuality using a nationally representative sample of congregations in the United States.
  • While religious congregations in the United States are not open to the full inclusion of gays and lesbians into congregational life it is possible that the acceptance of homosexuality within congregations will follow the trajectory of other groups who were excluded in the past.
  • In colloquial terms, the rising tide may lift all boats.
  • Congregations are also made up of individuals who are subject to broader agents of socialization.

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Published in Review of Religious Research 55:297-317.
https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s13644-012-0066-1
Religious Organizations and Homosexuality: The Acceptance of Gays and Lesbians in
American Congregations
Andrew L. Whitehead
Clemson University
Abstract
The participation of gays and lesbians in all aspects of society is continually disputed in the
United States. Religion is one of the key battlegrounds. The extent to which religious
congregations include lesbians and gays in congregational life is vital to the wider debate over
homosexuality because congregations consistently influence more Americans than any other
voluntary social institution (Putnam 2000). Using nationally representative data from the 2006-
2007 National Congregations Study this analysis investigates the level of acceptance of gays and
lesbians within congregations as well as which congregations are most likely to allow lesbians
and gays to become involved. I find that religious tradition, theological and political ideology,
location, and demographic composition of congregations all influence the degree to which gays
and lesbians are included into congregational life.
Keywords: homosexuality, congregations, religion, United States, gays, lesbians

1
INTRODUCTION
The extent to which gays and lesbians are permitted to participate in social life is fiercely
contested. For example, the battle in California over Proposition 8 and same-sex marriage,
which began in late 2008, continues over three years later. Gay and lesbians’ right to serve in the
military is now recognized after almost 18 years of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell”. Included in these
discussions is the level to which, or even if, religious organizations should embrace lesbians or
gays in their midst. Questions concerning the ordination of gays and lesbians, the blessing of
same-sex unions, or whether religious organizations will accept lesbians and gays as equal
members repeatedly arise. These questions and debates are even more influential when
considering that the most pervasive form of religious organization, the congregation, consistently
influences more Americans than any other voluntary social organization (Ammerman 1997;
Chaves 2004, 2011; Putnam 2000). Therefore, if and to what extent religious congregations
accept gays and lesbians will communicate a great deal about the access of this socially relevant
minority to a significant organizational feature of American society.
This study aims to provide insight into how a significant social setting, the religious
congregation, is navigating this salient issue. It will present evidence of where religious
congregations stand on the issue and what these stances might mean for gays and lesbians in
America. To date, there is little known at a national level about the extent to which congregations
are open and welcoming toward gays and lesbians. A number of studies utilize denominations,
small samples of congregations, or clergy as units of analysis (e.g. Van Geest 2007a; Cadge,
Day, and Wildeman 2007; Olson and Cadge 2002). The absence of a nationally representative
sample of congregations leaves some questions unanswered. How many congregations allow for
lesbians and gays to become members or even leaders? How many congregations officially

2
welcome gays and lesbians into their midst? What types of congregations are more likely to
allow for the full participation of lesbians and gays? Utilizing a nationally representative sample
of religious congregations in America, this research contributes to the study of religious
organizations and their responses to homosexuality by investigating the extent to which gays and
lesbians are allowed to participate in congregations as well as the organizational correlates of
more accepting congregations.
RELIGION, CONGREGATIONS, AND HOMOSEXUALITY
The amount of research concerning religious organizations and the issue of
homosexuality has grown in the last decade and a half. A host of studies focused on the national
debates about homosexuality at the denominational level (Beuttler 1999; Burgess 1999; Cadge
2002; Kapinus, Kraus, and Flowers 2010; Koch and Curry 2000; Rogers 1999; Scheitle, Merino,
and Moore 2010; Van Geest 2007a, 2007b; Wellman 1999; Wood and Bloch 1995). This line of
research traces the change in denominational stances toward gays and lesbians and their
inclusion in congregational life. It describes how the issue of homosexuality is framed by
different denominations, depending upon what the issue might mean for that particular religious
organization. Researchers have also traced the diffusion of certain denominational programs
concerned with being “Open and Affirming” and the changing understanding of that designation
by the congregations that adopt the label (Scheitle et al. 2010). Another strand of research works
to bridge denominations and congregations (Cadge et al. 2007; Cadge, Olson, and Wildeman
2008). These studies show that congregations within denominations that provided structured
material for the congregations to work through experienced less conflict. Essentially,
denominations influence congregations within their fold, but not to the extent that some might
assume. Congregations, in many instances, chart their own course. Thus, stances toward gays

3
and lesbians can differ between congregations within the same religious tradition (Cadge et al.
2007; Cadge et al. 2008).
In addition to congregational and denominational studies, the clergy and their responses
to homosexuality also received attention (Cadge and Wildeman 2008; Cadge et al. 2012;
Comstock 2001; Djupe, Olson, and Gilbert 2006; Olson and Cadge 2002). For the most part
clergy are hesitant to raise the issue of homosexuality due to fear of conflict. Such conflict might
serve to alienate portions of the congregation leading them to leave (Olson and Cadge 2002).
However, in some congregations homosexuality is commonly discussed due to the relative
scarcity of gays and lesbians attending those congregations. There is relatively little risk in the
congregation retaining an oppositional stance (Wellman 1999).
1
This research points out that
there are also distinct differences between clergy of different religious traditions as well as
between clergy within the same religious tradition. Finally, a number of ethnographic studies of
various congregations point out how the surrounding ecology, demographic shifts, increased
interpersonal contact with gays and lesbians at worship, or the views of the clergy can and do
influence a congregation’s response to or the form of the conflict over homosexuality
(Ammerman 1997, 2005; Becker 1999; Hartman 1996; Moon 2004; Warner 1995).
The scarcity of nationally representative data on religious congregations places limits on
the degree to which researchers can investigate the organizational correlates of congregational
stances toward gay men and lesbians. For example, we do not know the overall degree to which
religious congregations are open toward lesbians and gays in general. Nevertheless, previous
research on denominations, regional samples of congregations, and clergy can provide some
insight into factors that may prove important in predicting congregational stances.
1
I am thankful to a reviewer for highlighting this point.

4
First, religious tradition should be strongly associated with certain stances toward gays
and lesbians. Mainline Protestant congregations and Catholic parishes are more likely to be
welcoming of lesbians and gay men than Evangelical and Black Protestant congregations
(Ammerman 2005; Button, Rienzo, and Wald 1997; Gay and Ellison 1993; Van Geest 2007b).
Mainline Protestants and Catholics are closer to the center of American religion and are therefore
more likely to reflect the beliefs and attitudes of the wider culture (Roof and McKinney 1987).
The increasing acceptance of lesbians and gays in the United States is well established (Andersen
and Fetner 2008). Catholics, while more conservative on some issues, tend to accept gays and
lesbians because of their desire to include disparate groups within the fold (Button et al. 1997).
Evidence of the influence of religious tradition at the individual level is also well-established
(Cochran and Beeghley 1991; Greeley and Hout 2006; Olson, Cadge, and Harrison 2006).
Beyond religious tradition, the theological and political ideologies of a congregation
influence the extent to which congregations are willing to involve lesbians and gay men in
congregational life (Ammerman 1997; Becker 1999). Theological ideologies can be particularly
predictive (Ammerman 1997; Becker 1999; Button et al. 1997; Ellingson et al. 2001; Wellman
1999). By identifying as theologically conservative, moderate, or liberal, religious organizations
are making a statement about where the congregation stands relative to the perceived norm. The
increasing salience of theological ideologies and the subsequent rearranging along those lines led
to what some considered a restructuring of American religion (Roof and McKinney 1987;
Wuthnow 1988). The influence of theological ideology on attitudes toward lesbians and gays
exists at the individual level as well. Individuals who identify as more theologically traditional
or conservative tend to be less favorable toward homosexuality (Burdette, Ellison, and Hill 2005;
Froese, Bader, and Smith 2008; Whitehead 2010). Theologically traditional individuals and

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Abstract: Tables and Figures. Glossary. 1. Introduction. 1.1 Overview. 1.2 Examples of Surveys with Nonresponse. 1.3 Properly Handling Nonresponse. 1.4 Single Imputation. 1.5 Multiple Imputation. 1.6 Numerical Example Using Multiple Imputation. 1.7 Guidance for the Reader. 2. Statistical Background. 2.1 Introduction. 2.2 Variables in the Finite Population. 2.3 Probability Distributions and Related Calculations. 2.4 Probability Specifications for Indicator Variables. 2.5 Probability Specifications for (X,Y). 2.6 Bayesian Inference for a Population Quality. 2.7 Interval Estimation. 2.8 Bayesian Procedures for Constructing Interval Estimates, Including Significance Levels and Point Estimates. 2.9 Evaluating the Performance of Procedures. 2.10 Similarity of Bayesian and Randomization--Based Inferences in Many Practical Cases. 3. Underlying Bayesian Theory. 3.1 Introduction and Summary of Repeated--Imputation Inferences. 3.2 Key Results for Analysis When the Multiple Imputations are Repeated Draws from the Posterior Distribution of the Missing Values. 3.3 Inference for Scalar Estimands from a Modest Number of Repeated Completed--Data Means and Variances. 3.4 Significance Levels for Multicomponent Estimands from a Modest Number of Repeated Completed--Data Means and Variance--Covariance Matrices. 3.5 Significance Levels from Repeated Completed--Data Significance Levels. 3.6 Relating the Completed--Data and Completed--Data Posterior Distributions When the Sampling Mechanism is Ignorable. 4. Randomization--Based Evaluations. 4.1 Introduction. 4.2 General Conditions for the Randomization--Validity of Infinite--m Repeated--Imputation Inferences. 4.3Examples of Proper and Improper Imputation Methods in a Simple Case with Ignorable Nonresponse. 4.4 Further Discussion of Proper Imputation Methods. 4.5 The Asymptotic Distibution of (Qm,Um,Bm) for Proper Imputation Methods. 4.6 Evaluations of Finite--m Inferences with Scalar Estimands. 4.7 Evaluation of Significance Levels from the Moment--Based Statistics Dm and Dm with Multicomponent Estimands. 4.8 Evaluation of Significance Levels Based on Repeated Significance Levels. 5. Procedures with Ignorable Nonresponse. 5.1 Introduction. 5.2 Creating Imputed Values under an Explicit Model. 5.3 Some Explicit Imputation Models with Univariate YI and Covariates. 5.4 Monotone Patterns of Missingness in Multivariate YI. 5.5 Missing Social Security Benefits in the Current Population Survey. 5.6 Beyond Monotone Missingness. 6. Procedures with Nonignorable Nonresponse. 6.1 Introduction. 6.2 Nonignorable Nonresponse with Univariate YI and No XI. 6.3 Formal Tasks with Nonignorable Nonresponse. 6.4 Illustrating Mixture Modeling Using Educational Testing Service Data. 6.5 Illustrating Selection Modeling Using CPS Data. 6.6 Extensions to Surveys with Follow--Ups. 6.7 Follow--Up Response in a Survey of Drinking Behavior Among Men of Retirement Age. References. Author Index. Subject Index. Appendix I. Report Written for the Social Security Administration in 1977. Appendix II. Report Written for the Census Bureau in 1983.

5,436 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A description of the assumed context and objectives of multiple imputation is provided, and a review of the multiple imputations framework and its standard results are reviewed.
Abstract: Multiple imputation was designed to handle the problem of missing data in public-use data bases where the data-base constructor and the ultimate user are distinct entities. The objective is valid frequency inference for ultimate users who in general have access only to complete-data software and possess limited knowledge of specific reasons and models for nonresponse. For this situation and objective, I believe that multiple imputation by the data-base constructor is the method of choice. This article first provides a description of the assumed context and objectives, and second, reviews the multiple imputation framework and its standard results. These preliminary discussions are especially important because some recent commentaries on multiple imputation have reflected either misunderstandings of the practical objectives of multiple imputation or misunderstandings of fundamental theoretical results. Then, criticisms of multiple imputation are considered, and, finally, comparisons are made to alt...

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Book
02 Dec 1991
TL;DR: The history of cultural conflict in America and the history of the culture war can be found in this paper, where the authors discuss the historical roots of culture war, competing moral visions of cultural war, and the technology of public discourse.
Abstract: Introduction * PrologueStories from the Front * Cultural Conflict in America * The Anatomy of Cultural Conflict The New Lines Of Conflict * The Historical Roots of the Culture War * Competing Moral Visions Cultural Warfare * Discourse of Adversaries * The Technology of Public Discourse The Fields Of Conflict * Opening Observations * Family * Education * Media and the Arts * Law * Electoral Politics * Parting Observations Toward Resolution * Moral Pluralism and the Democratic Ideal * Epilogue

1,483 citations