Rural-to-urban Migration and Urbanization in Leh,
Ladakh
Author: Goodall, Sarah K.
Source: Mountain Research and Development, 24(3) : 220-227
Published By: International Mountain Society
URL: https://doi.org/10.1659/0276-
4741(2004)024[0220:RMAUIL]2.0.CO;2
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Urbanization in mountain areas
Despite its ubiquitous nature, the process of urbaniza-
tion is commonly thought of as a lowland phenomenon.
The stereotype persists that mountain people are gener-
ally leaving mountain areas (Goldstein et al 1983; Skel-
don 1985). Certainly some areas of the Himalaya such
as Kumaon and Nepal are characterized by permanent
outmigration (Shrestha 1989; Thapa and Bilsborrow
1995). However, Karan (1987) and Bätzing et al (1996)
also draw attention to the high degree of variability that
exists within high mountain areas. While some regions
are experiencing depopulation, others are seeing a con-
centration of population around market towns (Mac-
Donald 1996). What differentiates urbanization in the
Himalayan region from that of more developed coun-
tries is the context of continued high population
growth throughout this region (UNCSD 1995).
Current knowledge of the processes of urbanization
has largely been developed from empirical analyses of
lowland areas. A number of authors have convincingly
argued, however, that characteristics particular to high
mountain areas, such as inaccessibility, resource limita-
tions and sensitivity to population change, result in a
path of urbanization different from that implied by
models developed in lowland areas or in a ‘Western’ set-
ting (Conway and Shrestha 1980; Skeldon 1985; Khawas
2003). The present article makes a small contribution
in this area, using a case study of rural-to-urban migra-
tion in the high altitude trans-Himalayan region of
Ladakh. It is structured around the broad findings of
the research and subsequent policy implications. A
brief overview of the urbanization process in Ladakh
precedes, and establishes the context for, this discus-
sion.
Urbanization in Ladakh: evidence and trends
Ladakh is located in the temperate latitudes between
the Karakoram and Himalaya Ranges (Leh 34.10°N,
77.35°E). It is a semi-autonomous region in the Indian
State of Jammu and Kashmir that is characterized by
high altitude, extreme aridity, and marked variation in
diurnal and seasonal temperatures. Ladakh is com-
prised of 2 districts: the predominantly Muslim district
of Kargil to the west and south, and the largely Bud-
dhist district of Leh in the central and eastern parts of
the region. Geographically situated on the western
extension of the Tibetan plateau, Ladakh has cultural
and linguistic affinities with Tibet (Rizvi 1996).
Owing to its strategic location, and to unresolved
border disputes with Pakistan and China, the region has
been host to a large and permanent military presence
over the past 50 years. Prior to Indian Independence
(1947), Leh town was an important market center along
the trade routes connecting India to central Asia and
Tibet (Rizvi 1999). Closure of the international borders
due to hostilities has resulted in a significant shift in
the local economy from subsistence agriculture and
trade to a heavy reliance on goods imported and subsi-
dized by the central government. This reliance on
external economies, particularly through tourism, has
exposed the local economy to fluctuations in regional
and international markets. As in many mountain areas,
Ladakh is now a typical example of an ‘internal periph-
ery’ (Michaud 1996), whose destiny is largely controlled
by a centralized, lowland political power (Skeldon 1985;
Ives and Messerli 1989). For a more detailed discussion
of change and development in Ladakh, see Goldstein
(1981), Norberg-Hodge (1991), and Rizvi (1996; 1999).
The present discussion of urbanization is limited to
Leh District and the administrative capital of Leh,
where the process has been most pronounced. Urban-
ization is defined in terms of natural increase (excess
births over deaths), net migration gain, and reclassifica-
tion of rural areas to urban. Increasing levels of urban-
ization usually accompany the shift in a developing
economy away from an agricultural basis (primary sec-
tor) to an industrial (secondary) and services (tertiary)
basis (Jones 2004). At 23% in 2001, the level of urban-
ization in Leh District is similar to both the state (25%)
and national (28%) averages (Census of India 2001).
The present article is
based on a study of
the rural-to-urban
migration of nomadic
pastoralists in the
western Himalayan
region of Ladakh. The
particular case study
is examined in rela-
tion to the rapid
urbanization currently
under way in Leh District. The evidence from 3 nomadic
pastoral groups reveals some of the complexity within
the process of urbanization. It is argued that policy to
address urban growth in Ladakh must be informed by
the empirical evidence of micro-level studies. The paper
draws on secondary and aggregate sources of popula-
tion data, in addition to quantitative and qualitative pri-
mary data collected among migrant and non-migrant
households from 3 nomadic pastoral communities in
Ladakh.
Keywords:
Migration; urbanization; nomadic pastoral-
ism; standard of living; Ladakh.
Peer reviewed:
March 2004
Accepted:
May 2004
Rural-to-urban Migration and Urbanization in Leh, Ladakh
A Case Study of Three Nomadic Pastoral Communities
Sarah K. Goodall
220
Mountain Research and Development Vol 24 No 3 Aug 2004: 220–227
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Research
221
Despite the immense size of its urban population,
India’s level of urbanization is relatively low, and the
nation remains predominantly rural in character
(Mathur 1994; Pathak and Mehta 1995).
Ladakh may have only a moderate level of urbaniza-
tion, yet the pace of this transformation has major impli-
cations for this mountain area. Leh District (and
indeed Ladakh as a region) has a population growth
rate well above the national average (Table 1). Due to
‘disturbed conditions’ the 1991 Census of India was not
conducted in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. Popula-
tion growth rates must therefore be calculated over a
20-year period to enable comparison with national fig-
ures. Between 1981 and 2001, India’s urban population
grew at an average annual rate of 2.95%. During the
same period, the urban population in Leh grew at an
average rate of 5.92% each year.
The annual population growth rate in Kargil Dis-
trict is slightly higher than in Leh District, due to a
higher rate of growth among the rural population. Con-
sidering the percentage of urban to total population,
however, it was found that Leh has a substantially high-
er level of urbanization (23%) than Kargil (9%). In the
last 2 decades, the population of Leh town has more
than tripled in size.
Urban populations are often significantly under-
enumerated and this is undoubtedly the case in Leh,
where a sizeable ‘floating’ population exists, comprised
of circular migrants, tourists and defense-related per-
sonnel. Furthermore, the relative contribution of rural-
to-urban migration to urban growth in Leh is, as yet,
unclear. Even at a national scale, there is no consensus
amongst scholars on the exact contribution of rural-to-
urban migration in India. However, there is general
agreement that rural-to-urban migration is of second-
ary—and declining—importance to the role of natural
increase in explaining urban growth (Mathur 1994;
Pathak and Mehta 1995). In Ladakh, a more extensive
examination of the urbanization process is required.
This would include the complex task of establishing the
relative contribution of each of the components of
urban growth in the absence of a complete census
record. Nonetheless, migration from Ladakh’s rural vil-
lages to the capital of Leh has been a highly conspicu-
ous factor in the town’s rapid expansion. In absolute
terms, the contribution of migrants from the nomadic
pastoral communities to the growth of Leh is small.
However, given the economic, demographic, and social
implications for both sending and receiving regions,
this form of migration is of tremendous importance
(Bose 1980).
Rural-to-urban migration of Ladakh’s nomadic
pastoralists
Rupshu-Kharnak is home to 3 nomadic pastoral com-
munities. This region lies in the elevated south-east cor-
ner of Ladakh (Figure 1). The combined effects of low
precipitation, extreme temperature fluctuations, low
nutrient and poor soil conditions limit the natural vege-
tation of Rupshu-Kharnak to various species of grasses
and small woody shrubs, and make the area unsuitable
for agriculture or permanent settlements. The broad,
undulating, high altitude plains are, however, well suit-
Total population (thousands)
Annual population
growth rate (%)
1981–2001
Urbanization (%)
1981 2001 1981 2001
Leh District
Rural
Urban
Total
59.7
8.7
68.4
90.1
27.5
117.6
2.08
5.92
2.75
12.7 23.4
Kargil District
Rural
Urban
Total
62.5
3.5
66.0
105.3
9.9
115.2
2.64
5.34
2.82
5.3 8.6
State of Jammu and Kashmir
Rural
Urban
Total
4730
1260
5990
7565
2505
10,070
2.38
3.50
2.63
21.0 24.9
India
Rural
Urban
Total
523,870
159,460
683,330
741,660
285,355
1,027,015
1.75
2.95
2.06
23.3 27.8
TABLE 1 Comparison of population growth rates and levels of urbanization between 1981 and 2001. (Source: Census of India 1981 and 2001)
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Sarah K. Goodall
Mountain Research and Development Vol 24 No 3 Aug 2004
222
ed to mobile pastoralism and have been managed as
such by the nomadic Changpa for many thousands of
years.
The nomadic pastoral population of Rupshu-Khar-
nak is comprised of 3 independent groups located at
Kharnak, Samad and Korzok. The household (as repre-
sented by the main and subsidiary tent) is the basic unit
of social and economic organization. Each community
follows a year-round migration cycle, living in tents and
grazing their herds of sheep, goats and yak on pastures
that are communally regulated.
Based on information gathered from the origin
communities and figures from a range of secondary
sources, the total nomadic population of Rupshu-Khar-
nak, prior to significant levels of outmigration (pre-
1960), is estimated at approximately 1200 individuals.
Historical evidence suggests that, as throughout the
region, the population of Rupshu-Kharnak remained
relatively stable over many years (Rizvi 1996; Ahmed
1996). Given recent changes in the nomadic areas such
as improved food security, improved access to health
care, and a decline in the prevalence of polyandry, it
would not be unreasonable to expect a consequent
increase in population due to reduced mortality and
increased fertility. However, information from the ori-
gin communities concerning past and present commu-
nity size, coupled with data from the household survey,
does not reveal any evidence of significant population
FIGURE 1 Map of Ladakh,
showing the origin and destination
villages of migrants from the
nomadic pastoral communities of
Rupshu-Kharnak. Note: The
borders on this map are not
officially recognized. (Map by
Christine Crothers)
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Research
223
growth during recent decades. Based on current evi-
dence, albeit limited, rapid population growth in the
origin communities does not appear to provide a satis-
factory explanation for the recent high level of outmi-
gration from Rupshu-Kharnak.
Despite their relative isolation, the nomadic pas-
toral communities of Rupshu-Kharnak have experienced
significant changes as a result of the broader economic
and political changes during the past 40 years. The
increasing rate of outmigration and settlement has
accompanied these broader changes. One of the more
significant events was the closure of the border with
Tibet following the Sino-Indian conflict of 1962 and the
subsequent loss of important pastures. In addition to a
reduction in the total area available for grazing, the
Changpa communities have also had to accommodate a
large number of Tibetan refugees and their herds. The
introduction of subsidized food rations and improved
road access have reduced the need for arduous long-dis-
tance trade journeys. However this has occurred at the
expense of traditional inter-village trade networks and
has increased the need for cash in the local economy.
With the increased availability of education and health
care to the settled population in and around Leh, there
is also a growing sense of relative deprivation among
many of the nomadic pastoralists. More recently, issues
surrounding access to the rangelands from the compet-
ing interests of tourism and wildlife conservation have
added to the challenges facing pastoralists in Rupshu-
Kharnak (Fox et al 1994; Gujja et al 2003).
Over the past 4 decades, approximately one-quarter
of the original population of Rupshu-Kharnak has set-
tled in and around Leh. A loss of productivity from the
pastoral areas associated with significant outmigration
will have important implications for Ladakh’s economy.
This relates to the supply of animal products to the
urban population, but more importantly, to the valu-
able export commodity of pashmina, which is the raw
fiber for cashmere produced by the goats in Rupshu-
Kharnak.
Methods
The data presented in this paper were collected as part
of an investigation into the rural-to-urban migration of
nomadic pastoralists in Ladakh, carried out between
February 2000 and November 2001. A census-type sur-
vey of the migrant population was necessitated by the
absence of relevant secondary sources of population
data. In addition to providing temporal and spatial
information on the migration process, the survey gener-
ated demographic information about the migrant popu-
lation, which was used to examine the causes and conse-
quences of outmigration. The survey data were supple-
mented with detailed case studies of migrants in the
destination areas, and in-depth interviews with non-
migrants and return, or ‘failed’, migrants in each of the
origin communities.
A ‘household reconstruction’ methodology made it
possible to include absent or deceased members of the
household who were present at the time of migration.
Demographic information was collected for each mem-
ber of the household. Basic details of non-resident,
immediate family members were also gathered. Infor-
mation was sought regarding each person’s place of ori-
gin, date of migration, and employment and education-
al status. The survey also included open-ended ques-
tions concerning the reasons for migration, the
maintenance of economic and social ties with the origin
community, and attitudes regarding the decision to set-
tle down.
Migrant households were located using a number
of techniques: door-to-door surveying in the Khar-
nakling migrant settlement; tracing relatives and
friends of migrants; and using information gathered in
the origin communities. Information from the origin
communities was particularly important in identifying
the destinations of past migrants. Cases of migration to
areas not encompassed by the household survey were
identified, including migration to Zangskar, the Markha
Valley, and Nyoma. This form of intrarural migration of
individuals for marriage or monastic training was not
investigated, as the focus of the study was large-scale
labor migration.
Results and discussion
Migrants were located in subdivisions of Leh town, in
the Housing Colony adjacent to Leh, in the Khar-
nakling settlement, and in the villages of Shey, Thikse,
Matho, and Stok. A total of 103 migrant households
were surveyed, which included a population of 306 first
generation migrants. All attempts were made to
include the maximum number of cases, although the
survey cannot be said to be exhaustive. It does, howev-
er, represent an accurate depiction of the outmigration
process since the 1960s, as well as provide a demo-
graphic ‘snapshot’ of the migrant population in Leh
District in 2000.
The results of the household survey reveal that
urban migration from Rupshu-Kharnak is highly vari-
able in terms of both the level of outmigration and
types of mobility, with distinct variations between each
community. The following sections provide a summary
of the main characteristics of outmigration from each
nomadic community in Rupshu-Kharnak.
Kharnak
The recent high levels of outmigration from Rupshu-
Kharnak were traced to just 1 of the 3 mobile commu-
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