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Saving the Young: A History of the Child Relief Movement in Modern China

01 Jan 2013-
TL;DR: In this paper, Apter et al. examined the development of child welfare in twentieth-century China, and interprets those developments within the context of China's long history, tracing government efforts to provide support for indigent or abandoned children from the Southern Song Dynasty in the 13th century CE to the early Republican era in the 20th century.
Abstract: Author(s): Apter, Norman D | Advisor(s): Bernhardt, Kathryn; Huang, Philip C.C. | Abstract: This dissertation examines the development of child welfare in twentieth-century China, and interprets those developments within the context of China's long history. The first chapter traces government efforts to provide support for indigent or abandoned children from the Southern Song Dynasty in the 13th century CE to the early Republican era in the 20th century. The Song government provided grain and other forms of assistance to destitute families and encouraged the adoption of abandoned children. Such initiatives were abandoned after the collapse of the Song dynasty, and revived only in the early Qing dynasty. In the Qing, however, members of a newly formed merchant-gentry elite took the lead in providing relief for foundlings; the Qing state encouraged these works through the provision of supplementary monetary support and honorary plaques. Government relief efforts were intensified and broadened after the devastation accompanying the Taiping upheaval in the mid-19th century. Thereafter, reformers began to focus greater attention on education and life skills, a trend that intensified in the 1910s and `20s when government officials and private activists endeavored to turn poor and indigent children into healthy and productive modern citizens. Chapter 2 traces child relief efforts in Shanghai during the Republican period. Rapid urbanization and the growing disparity between rich and poor motivated Chinese officials, business leaders, education reformers as well as Western expatriates to organize relief efforts and vocational educational opportunities for dependent children. State-private collaboration continued in supporting homes for abandoned infants, poor and orphaned children, and street urchins. Private institutions dominated relief work throughout the period, but the Republican government became increasingly involved in coordinating and supervising relief efforts after establishing the Social Affairs Bureau in 1930. Police and public health officials worked together to improve neonatal services for the destitute, to discourage child abandonment and infanticide, and to place street urchins in homes and give them vocational training. Chapter 3 concentrates on the impact of the Sino-Japanese war from 1937 to 1945 on government and private child welfare programs. The sheer numbers of displaced persons and "warphans" compelled the state and civic leaders to organize and coordinate relief efforts on a far greater scale than ever before. Relief efforts were combined with educational services to train poor and destitute children in the hope of transforming them into useful and public-minded modern citizens. Chapter 4 analyzes the intensification of Republican-era trends in the Maoist period (1949-1976), as the state created a hierarchy of welfare management agencies permeating society down to the county level. The state coordinated all communications media and a series of mass campaigns with the goal of transforming parentless children and homeless youths into healthy, loyal, hard-working, and productive citizens. During the New Democracy period (1949-1953) some private agencies continued to function but under increasing government supervision and coordination. From 1956 onward all private institutions were closed or subsumed by state-run organizations. The concluding chapter 5 analyzes the evolution of child relief efforts in the Post-Mao era. The "closed" centrally coordinated system of child relief of previous decades has given way to an "open-ended" multifocal support structure during the course of the Reform Period (1978 - present). The demise of the guaranteed employment of the Maoist era, and the one-child policy, have resulted in a rapid increase in the number of abandoned children, and China's opening to the outside world has led to a broader definition of those deserving support, and given rise to an emphasis on local initiative and experimentation. Throughout the 1980s, China's state-managed facilities continued to employ a regimen of caregiving and youth training that had become the nationwide standard by the early 1960s. But Civil Affairs authorities as well as domestic and international civic organizations new to the scene have since broken from this mold, pursuing a multiplicity of approaches to target the various developmental deficiencies - physiological, mental, social, emotional, etc. - of their charges. In conjunction with the embrace of "multi-approachism," we can observe a paradigmatic shift within China's child welfare sector from institution-based rearing toward family-centered care. As China entered the 21st century, a growing commitment among child relief practitioners to the notion that a family setting was best suited to foster the dependent child's development was reshaping the field of care in a significant way for the first time since the welfare system was established in the mid-1950s.

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Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: (1998). Dangerous Pleasures: Prostitution and Modernity in Twentieth-Century Shanghai. History: Reviews of New Books: Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 89-90.

54 citations

Book
01 Jan 1994
TL;DR: HuHuang as discussed by the authors integrates three major traditions of peasant studies and uses vast quantities of new materials to present a convincing interpretation of the origins and nature of the agrarian crisis that gripped the North China Plain in the two centuries before the Revolution.
Abstract: Philip C. C. Huang. The author integrates three major traditions of peasant studies and uses vast quantities of new materials to present a convincing interpretation of the origins and nature of the agrarian crisis that gripped the North China Plain in the two centuries before the Revolution. Through a comparison of the histories of small family farms and larger scale managerial farms, the author documents and illustrates the long-term trends of agricultural commercialization, social differentiation, and mounting population pressure. He shows how those changes combined to produce, within the small peasant economy, a noncapitalizing managerial elite and a partially proletarianized peasantry, a pattern of change different from and more volatile than the development in Western Europe of a capitalizing elite and a proletarianizing peasantry. $37.50

28 citations

References
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01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: In this article, the authors conducted a 12 months ethnographic fieldwork in two Chinese state orphanages that received financial and medical assistance from western non-governmental organizations to investigate the role that globalization is playing in the lives of abandoned youth.
Abstract: Since beginning its rapid transition to a market economy in 1978, the People's Republic of China has sought to become internationally dominant. In order to develop human capital and labor power, it has implemented a range of ideologically-driven policies that have been geared towards improving the overall mental, moral and physical quality (suzhi) of the population. The current criteria for assessing the individual value of citizens have resulted in new lines of stratification being drawn among children. As a result, healthy rural daughters and special needs children in particular are now considered unworthy of intensive investment and face a higher likelihood of being abandoned to state care. However, in an ironic twist of globalization, stigmatized children who were once shut away in state-run orphanages have become major recipients of western aid and child-saving interventions as China continues to open up to the outside world. Based on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork in two Chinese state orphanages that received financial and medical assistance from western non-governmental organizations, I consider the role that globalization is playing in the lives of abandoned youth. This is occurring in two main ways: by the exportation of healthy female children out of the country through transnational adoption and the importation of first-world ideologies and practices by foreigners who seek to improve care for the mostly male special needs youth who are left behind. Through interviews and participant observation with western volunteers and Chinese state caregivers, I demonstrate the ways in which defining the best interests of institutionalized children is a highly contested process that implicates international power dynamics and differential access to resources. I argue that foreign-Chinese collaborations in orphanages are complex processes of negotiation, conflict and compromise that highlight the socially-constructed and contextual nature of children's social value. Moreover, these types of partnerships take place on constantly shifting political terrain, rendering them highly unstable and at times even counter-productive for those they seek to help. Ultimately, by bringing children who exist on the margins of society to the center of scholarly analysis, this research provides a new perspective on the human consequences of Chinese modernization in a globalized era.

6 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: The majority of children in China who are the subject of protective services are either abandoned or disabled, and adoption and foster care are increasingly being seen as viable alternatives for these children.
Abstract: The majority of children in China who are the subject of protective services are either abandoned or disabled. Recent reform efforts in China's child welfare practices have focused on the importance of providing safe, permanent families for children in lieu of longterm institutional care. Although challenges still exist, adoption and foster care are increasingly being seen as viable alternatives for these children. Adoption of children in China is a new and important area of practice, research, and policymaking in child welfare. In the amended Adoption Law of the People's Republic of China (Operative Committee of the National People Representational Conference, 1998), adoption is defined as a method of child protection through the permanent relationship between a child under the age of 14 and a nonbirth family. County Civil Affairs Bureaus (CAB) are in charge of registering adoptive relationships. The adoption relationship must contribute to the child's bringing-up and development and assure the rights of the adopted child and the adoptive family or individual. As a child protective system, current Chinese adoption services pay more attention to providing a permanent home to institutionalized children. They are orphans, abandoned infants, and children with disabilities whose birthparents were not able to take care of them due to special difficulties. The majority of protective children are abandoned and disabled. This means that the children's birthparents may play an active role when involved with the child protective services. Birthparents abandon their infants or send their disabled children to hospitals, CAB, or the local Child Welfare Institute (CWI). It is almost unimaginable that the child will be moved from the birthfamily due to child abuse and neglect by his or her birthparent(s). Of course, the concept of adoption includes safety. For example, a child would be placed outside of home if his or her birthparents involved in civil law might injure him or her. The main difference between China and the United States is that child abuse and neglect not only is not the emphasis in the current Chinese adoption system, but is also not the main reason of building a legal adoption relationship. Recent child welfare reform is rooted in the essential cultural impetus of family-centered practice. The goal of adoption and foster care practices is to help institutionalized children unite or reunite with safe and warm families. Here family connotes a family system rather than birthfamily. There is a crisis involving institutionalized children who have not been socialized and need independent life skills because they lacked a family developmental environment. The object of adoption is to provide children permanent placements, while the object of foster care services is to provide them temporary placements. The main requirements of foster care are that the foster family (with their birthchild) must provide a healthy, nourishing, and positive developmental environment for the foster child (see table 1). Applicants for foster parents must have a normal, stable, and functional family. This means that parents and birthchildren have a harmonious relationship. It is believed that the birthchild of foster parents will be useful in helping to socialize the foster child to the family. Meanwhile, adoptive parents must follow the One Child Policy while they provide a secure, loving, and permanent home to the adopted child. Not having a birthchild is the first necessary requirement for adoptive parents, except in the case of special needs adoption since April 1, 1999. A family with a birth or other child can only adopt a special needs child. For instance, foster parents of children with special needs have the right to adopt their foster children. Because of the One Child Policy, the following question became a big challenge to policymakers, and adoption and foster care workers: how long is the temporary placement? …

6 citations