Secession: The Morality of Political Divorce from Fort Sumter to Lithuania and Quebec
TL;DR: The Problems of Secession, the Morality of Separation, and the Moral Case Against Secession: A Constitutional Right to Secede as discussed by the authors, is a good summary of the main arguments against and in favor of separation.
Abstract: * The Problems of Secession * The Morality of Secession * The Moral Case Against Secession * A Constitutional Right to Secede * Conclusions
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Dissertation•
01 Jan 2013
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that much of the contestation and instability witnessed by the Iraqi state since its birth into modern statehood has stemmed from an effort to create a state inimical to the very real dispersal of social and political capital endemic to its society.
Abstract: Through a case study of Iraq, this dissertation examines one manifestation of the increasingly prevalent phenomenon in struggling de jure states of the establishment of alternative forms of political sovereignty embodied by defacto states. Tracing Iraq's failed state-building
endeavor to the adoption of an ill-suited Weberian model of state-building that idealized order and centralization to the exclusion of Iraq's Kurdish minority, it argues that much of the contestation and instability witnessed by the Iraqi state since its birth into modern statehood has
stemmed from an effort to create a state inimical to the very real dispersal of social and political capital endemic to its society. The result has been continual coups, instability, and civil conflict
that ultimately defined Iraq’s modern history. Using this framework, the contention is defended that democracy cannot survive in Iraq without the preservation of its federal character, which alone guarantees the social, economic,
political, and coercive dispersal of power necessary to maintain a free expression of Iraq’s diverse interests. By restricting the responsibilities and obligations of the central state to more manageable tasks while dually creating a mechanism for a minority buy-in, federal institutions have pulled previously contentious social sources of power into legitimate state institutions and
laid the foundation for a genuine, inclusive state-building process that will eventually benefit all Iraqis. While recognizing that this model is still contested by some leaders in Baghdad, the dissertation traces the path of the two key outstanding issues left unresolved – the exploitation of
Iraq’s vast natural resources and the territorial delineation of its disputed internal boundaries – to
argue for a resolution that will bolster Iraqi federalism without sacrificing the hope of greater unity.
49 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: The three major normative theories of secession are just-cause theories, choice theories, and national self-determination theories as mentioned in this paper, which are problematic because they view secession in terms of the application of liberal theories of justice or a liberal principle of autonomy, without regard for the dynamics of nationalist mobilization and national politics.
Abstract: The three major normative theories of secession are just-cause theories, choice theories, and national self-determination theories. Just-cause and choice theories are problematic because they view secession in terms of the application of liberal theories of justice or a liberal principle of autonomy, without regard for the dynamics of nationalist mobilization and national politics. National self-determination theories can be supported by a collective autonomy argument. This is related to a particular view of the relationship between collective self-government and territory.
10 citations
19 Jan 2020
TL;DR: Eritrea's successful secession lies at the intersection of domestic and global politics, combining factors such as the region's historical and legal claims for territorial self-determination, the policies of alienation of the parent-state, the effectiveness of the strategies of the secessionist movements, the end of the Cold War and the supportive role of the victorious superpower as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Contrary to the vast majority of African states that gained independence through processes of decolonization from European colonial powers, Eritrea attained independent statehood by formally withdrawing from an established sovereign African state. This occurrence represents a remarkable political development in post-colonial Africa for at least two reasons: 1) it was the first time that a secessionist movement succeeded in its quest for independence; 2) the struggle for independence took place within a continental framework that was particularly hostile to the emergence of new states. Drawing upon secondary qualitative data sources, this study examines Eritrea’s secession against the background of scholarship that emphasizes the social, political and economic context in which secessionist struggles take place. It argues that Eritrea’s successful secession lies at the intersection of domestic and global politics, combining factors such as the region’s historical and legal claims for territorial self-determination, the policies of alienation of the parent-state, the effectiveness of the strategies of the secessionist movements, the end of the Cold War and the supportive role of the victorious superpower. The study adds new and systematic contributions to the debate on the determinants of successful secessions in post-colonial Africa.
6 citations
Cites background from "Secession: The Morality of Politica..."
...5 A obra de Buchanan (1991) “Secessão: a moralidade do divórcio político de Fort Sunter a Lituânia e Quebec” ilustra as teorias dessa categoria....
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Posted Content•
30 Nov 2012
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors use a framework frequently applied in the literature on secession, and show that under certain conditions a secession threat can be used by a minority region to gain a higher level of decentralization than the larger part of the country would prefer.
Abstract: The international community is usually set against secessionist movements that threaten to break up existing states. At the same time, many fragmented countries receive development aid, which influences the political process there. The model presented here seeks to answer two questions: “Is decentralization a suitable tool to appease separatist movements and prevent a secession?”, and “Can development policies can be designed in a way that they don’t unwillingly trigger secession as a side effect?”. Using a framework frequently applied in the literature on secession, it turns out (a) that under certain conditions a secession threat can be used by a minority region to gain a higher level of decentralization than the larger part of the country would prefer, and (b) that a secession threat might undermine aid policies that focus directly on poverty reduction or on the improvement of governance, especially where they are not accompanied by (additional) decentralization. – It can be shown that the results are robust to a relaxation of initial simplifications.
4 citations
Cites background from "Secession: The Morality of Politica..."
...34 Buchanan (1991) discusses possible „donut hole secessions“, an example being the aspirations of Tatarstan in the 1990s to break away from Russia, which were eventually calmed by a compromise....
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Dissertation•
12 Dec 2012
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose a definition du pacte federatif which se fonde sur l'etude des systemes federaux allemand, americain, and suisse dans la perspective d'une qualification juridique des traites europeens, which permet egalement de mettre en evidence un respect general de l'equilibre entre les niveaux federal and federe necessaire.
Abstract: Dans le cadre du renouvellement doctrinal sur les unions federales, nous proposons une definition du pacte federatif qui se fonde sur l'etude des systemes federaux allemand, americain, et suisse dans la perspective d'une qualification juridique des traites europeens. Le pacte federatif est un acte conclu volontairement entre des Etats fondant une institution, la Federation, qui constitue une union politique. La stabilite de cette Federation impose des mecanismes assurant sa coherence et le respect du droit federal, ainsi que le developpement d'un sentiment d'appartenance federal. Mais les autorites federales doivent a l'inverse respecter l'integrite des Etats membres. Si l'un de ces elements n'est pas respecte la Federation risque d'imploser ou de se transformer en Etat federal. L'Union europeenne repond globalement a ces criteres de definition, ce qui permet sa qualification de Federation. L'etude de son fonctionnement permet egalement de mettre en evidence un respect general de l'equilibre entre les niveaux federal et federe necessaire a sa perennisation en tant que Federation. Au plan materiel, l'equilibre entre imperatif de bon fonctionnement de la Federation et le respect de l'integrite des Etats membres ne fait pas l'objet de tensions avec les Etats membres, que ce soit au niveau de la repartition comme de l'exercice des competences. Au plan institutionnel, le processus decisionnel a du s'adapter au renforcement de l'integration europeenne. On constate notamment un renforcement de la legitimite democratique, condition prealable au developpement d'un sentiment d'appartenance europeen, meme si des ameliorations restent necessaires. Le reproche de deficit democratique lie a l'absence d'alternative partisane parait plus difficile a resoudre car le facteur partisan n'est pas aise a concilier avec la logique de fonctionnement des institutions europeennes qui impose une forme de compromis.
4 citations
References
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TL;DR: The authors identified types of international movements produced by desires for state security and stability (forced and induced migration) circumstances when international migration and the ways states respond to migration are seen as a threat.
Abstract: At high national levels the issues of international migration and refugees capture the attention of state department heads cabinets and ministries of defense and affect internal security and external relations. Migration flows are affected by economic migration for better employment opportunities and by pushes due to domestic violence and persecution. Examples abound: the recent exodus of east Germans to the west; soviet Jewish settlement of the West Bank; repatriation of refugees from Hong Kong; placement of Western migrants at strategic locations as prevention against air strikes; anxieties about Eastern European migration to Western Europe; Uganda refugees in Rwanda; and the defeat of the Kabul regime in Afghanistan. The breakup of empires and countries has created uncertainty among minorities. International migration is also subject to people fleeing from environmental degradation droughts floods famines and civil conflicts. Access to communication and transportation brings greater opportunities for migration. More people want to leave than there is room for them in other countries. The media have inadequately represented the direction of flows. Only a small part of the 17 million migrants have flowed to Western Europe or to the US. The largest flows are among developing countries particularly among Africa South Asia Southeast Asia and the Persian Gulf. There is a need for a security/stability framework in contrast to an international political economy framework for the study of international migration. State policies are being shaped by concerns over internal security and international security. The literature on international migration tends to focus on global economic conditions as a determinant of population movement. Neglected is the role of governments in encouraging or discouraging migration which is not due to economic conditions and neglects the noneconomic considerations of governments in encouraging or discouraging economic migrants. The article focuses on identifying types of international movements produced by desires for state security and stability (forced and induced migration) circumstances when international migration and the ways states respond to migration are seen as a threat.
356 citations
Book•
30 Jun 2006
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a collection of books that bring together the best of this intellectual diversity into one collection, focusing on nationalism in political, social and cultural theory.
Abstract: Nationalism has long excited debate in political, social and cultural theory and remains a key field of enquiry among historians, anthropologists, sociologists as well as political scientists. It is also one of the critical media issues of our time. There are, however, surprisingly few volumes that bring together the best of this intellectual diversity into one collection.
323 citations
Book•
10 Apr 2000
TL;DR: This chapter discusses the processes of government, including voting, bargaining, and ministering, as well as the importance of human rights, and the role of government agencies in these processes.
Abstract: DETAILED CONTENTS ix LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xv LIST OF TABLES xvii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xix CHAPTER 1. Taking Consequences Seriously: Introduction 1 PART I: PROCESSES OF GOVERNMENT: VOTING, BARGAINING, ADMINISTERING 15 CHAPTER 2. Voting 17 CHAPTER 3. Bargaimng 51 CHAPTER 4. Administering 79 PART II: THE OPTIMAL NUMBER OF GOVERNMENTS 101 CHAPTER 5. Intergovernmental Relations CHAPTER 6. Government Competition 127 CHAPTER 7. Ministries and Agencies PART III: OPTIMAL DIVISION OF POWERS CHAPTER 8. Specialization 173 CHAPTER 9. Separation of Powers 211 PART IV: OPTIMAL RIGHTS 241 CHAPTER 10. The Value of Rights 243 CHAPTER 11. Philosophies of Rights: Liberty and Redistribution 261 CHAPTER 12. Property Rights 279 CHAPTER 13. Free Speech 309 CHAPTER 14. Civil Rights 333 CHAPTER 15. Summary and Conclusion 359 BIBLIOGRAPHY 381 GENERAL INDEX 399 INDEX OF NAMES 409
312 citations
Book•
01 Jan 2004TL;DR: In this paper, the authors define the fundamental problem of federal stability as "the long search for stability" and propose three levels of institutional design: 1.1 Alliances versus federations 2.3 Equilibrium selection and redistribution 2.4 Secession: the special road to renegotiation 4.5 Other parameters of design 4.6 Bilateral decision-making and the case of Russia 5.3 The feasibility of success in initial bargaining 3.4 Voters versus elites 5.6 India Leadership incentives Rank and file incentives 6.3 Level 3 institutions 7.4 Conclusion.
Abstract: 1. Federations and the theoretical problem: 1.1 Why Federalism 1.2 Definitions 1.3 The long search for stability Federalism as nuisance Federalism as engine of prosperity Riker as intermediary 1.4 The fundamental problem of stability 1.5 Basic premises and conclusions 2. Federal bargaining: 2.1 Alliances versus federations 2.2 The private character of public goods 2.3 Equilibrium selection and redistribution 2.4 The 'federal problem' 2.5 Bargaining for control of the center 2.6 Allocating jurisdictions 2.7 Three levels of institutional design 3. Two cases of uninstitutionalized bargaining: 3.1 The Czechoslovak dissolution 3.2 The Soviet dissolution 3.3 The feasibility of success in initial bargaining 3.4 Secession: the special road to renegotiation 4. Representation: 4.1 Two alternative models of Federalism 4.2 A national venue for bargaining 4.3 Within versus without 4.4 Direct versus delegated representation 4.5 Other parameters of design 4.6 Bilateral decision making and the case of Russia 5. Incentives: 5.1 Institutional enforcement 5.2 The court 5.3 Some simple rules of constitutional design 5.4 Voters versus elites 5.5 Desirable imperfection and a democratic as if principle 6. Political parties in a federal state: 6.1 An extreme hypothesis 6.2 Parties in a democracy 6.3 The idealized party system 6.4 Integrated parties 6.5 Integration outside the United States Australian Federalism and the role of parties Canada 6.6 India Leadership incentives Rank and file incentives The party and Federalism 1967 and thereafter 7. Institutional sources of federal stability I: 7.1 Introduction 7.2 Level 2 and the federalist 7.3 Level 3 institutions 7.4 Australia, Canada, Germany, and India revisited Germany Canada Canada vs Australia and India 7.3 Local and regional design parameters 8. Institutional sources of federal stability II: 8.1 Electoral mechanisms and societal structures Representation Ethnicity Defining federal subjects Number of local jurisdictions Authority over local governments 8.2 Bicameralism Symmetry Presidential authority Presidential selection Electoral connections 8.3 Level 1 and the scope of the federal mandate 8.4 Level 0 - things beyond design 9. Designing Federalism: 9.1 Russia Electoral arrangements Regional autonomy Constitutional matters Parties and the current status quo 9.2 The European Union Background The role of parties The puzzle of the collusion France versus Britain EU institutional design 9.4 Conclusion.
306 citations
Book•
01 Jan 2002TL;DR: In this paper, the challenge of culture is considered in the context of women's self-determination in the United Nations trust territories and self-determination in Europe after World War I.
Abstract: Part I. Cold War International Legal Literature: 1. The question of norm-type 2. Interpretation and identity 3. Pandemonium, interpretation and participation Part II. Self-determination interpreted in practice: the challenge of culture: 4. The canon of self-determination 5. Developing texts Part III. Self-Determination Interpreted in Practice: The Challenge of Gender: 6. Women and self-determination in Europe after World War I 7. Women and self-determination in United Nations trust territories 8. Indigenous women and self-determination Conclusion.
118 citations