Book•
Selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci
01 Jan 2015-
TL;DR: The first selection published from Gramsci's Prison Notebooks to be made available in Britain, and was originally published in the early 1970s as discussed by the authors, was the first publication of the Notebooks in the UK.
Abstract: Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks, written between 1929 and 1935, are the work of one of the most original thinkers in twentieth century Europe. Gramsci has had a profound influence on debates about the relationship between politics and culture. His complex and fruitful approach to questions of ideology, power and change remains crucial for critical theory. This volume was the first selection published from the Notebooks to be made available in Britain, and was originally published in the early 1970s. It contains the most important of Gramsci's notebooks, including the texts of The Modern Prince, and Americanism and Fordism, and extensive notes on the state and civil society, Italian history and the role of intellectuals. 'Far the best informative apparatus available to any foreign language readership of Gramsci.' Perry Anderson, New Left Review 'A model of scholarship' New Statesman
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TL;DR: The authors examine the critical importance of the election campaign itself, examine the extent to which Labour voters prioritised different issues to their Conservative counterparts, the scale of Labour's support not only among younger voters, but more surprisingly among professions in the AB socioeconomic category, and explain how the Party confounded expectations, and stunned Corbyn's many vociferous critics in the process.
Abstract: The result of the 2017 general election was widely expected to be a foregone conclusion, namely a comfortable, probably landslide, re-election for Theresa May’s Conservative Party, and an electoral disaster for Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party which would irrevocably prove the futility of campaigning on a radical Left-wing programme in Britain: it would be like 1983 all over again. Yet when the Exit Poll was announced at 22.00 on 8 June 2017, it was apparent that the election had produced one of the biggest shocks in British electoral history. The Conservatives had actually lost their previous narrow parliamentary majority, while the Labour Party had made significant and wholly unexpected advances. Most of the opinion polls had entirely failed to predict this outcome. This article examines Labour’s performance in one of the most astonishing British general elections ever, and explains how the Party confounded expectations, and stunned Corbyn’s many vociferous critics in the process. In so doing, it will examine the critical importance of the election campaign itself, the extent to which Labour voters prioritised different issues to their Conservative counterparts, the scale of Labour’s support not only among younger voters, but more surprisingly among professions in the AB socioeconomic category, and the way in which the Labour leader’s television and social media appearances seemed to counteract some of the negative press coverage he received.
28 citations
TL;DR: At a time when cities, particularly large Latin American cities, are increasingly polarized and overcome with violence, and public space has long been pronounced dead, an exceptionally vibrant publ... as discussed by the authors
Abstract: At a time when cities, particularly large Latin American cities, are increasingly polarized and overcome with violence, and public space has long been pronounced dead, an exceptionally vibrant publ...
28 citations
Cites methods from "Selections from the prison notebook..."
...In examining the politics of actually existing public spaces, I use a Marxist–Feminist approach, drawing on Gramsci (1972), Lefebvre (1991), de Certeau (1984), Pred (1990, 1992, 1995), and Massey (1994, 1995) that sees the production of space as hegemonic struggle, where the spaces we inhabit shape…...
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Dissertation•
12 Jan 2015
TL;DR: This paper explored a conflict that emerged in 2011 when the MAS government announced plans to build a road through a national park and legally recognised indigenous territory located in the Amazon Basin, known more commonly as the TIPNIS (Territorio Indigena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Secure; Isibero Secure Indigenous Territory and National Park).
Abstract: This thesis provides an analytical framework for understanding the changing relations between the state and left-indigenous movements in Bolivia and Latin America, more generally. Bolivian citizens have been witness to a number of progressive changes since the inauguration of the country’s first indigenous President, Evo Morales, in 2006. The MAS (Movimiento al Socialismo; Movement Towards Socialism) Party administration pushed through a Constituent Assembly process that granted unprecedented indigenous and environmental rights. Fundamentally, the Constitution renamed the Republic the ‘Plurinational State of Bolivia’ in recognition of the nearly two-thirds of the population that identified as indigenous in the 2001 census. Tensions between the state and social movements remain, however, with many questioning the government’s national development model based on environmentally degrading neo-extractivism and infrastructural projects, which often take place within collectively titled indigenous territories.
Through a nine month period of extensive ethnographic research I explored a conflict that emerged in 2011 when the MAS government announced plans to build a road through a national park and legally recognised indigenous territory located in the Amazon Basin, known more commonly as the TIPNIS (Territorio Indigena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Secure; Isiboro Secure Indigenous Territory and National Park). Expanding on the theoretical traditions of the geographies of social movements literature alongside postcolonial studies, I present a new framework for understanding social mobilisation. Specifically, I contend that the practices of contentious politics are generative of emerging spatio-political imaginaries. By locating myself amongst the daily geographies of movement/solidarity building, I engage with the ways in which a self-defined ‘indigenous movement’, and urban solidarity networks broadly associated with the ‘left’, re-articulated notions of territoriality, the nation-state, democracy and development during the TIPNIS conflict. Fundamentally then, this thesis highlights the contingent nature of state-social movement dynamics and political identity formation, more broadly.
28 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authoritativeness of the DSM was deconstructed and deconstructed over time, focusing on the discursive strategies that played an important role in self-legitimisation and the construction of a dominant hegemonic discourse.
Abstract: The proposed revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), published by the American Psychiatric Association (APA), has reignited a protracted debate in psychiatry and clinical psychology regarding the criteria used to diagnose and classify mental disorders. Drawing on the concepts of legitimisation and hegemony, the aim of this study is to deconstruct how the authoritativeness of the DSM was discursively constructed, legitimised and consolidated over time. To fulfil this purpose, we combine a critical psychology perspective with critical discourse analysis and adopt a multi-level model of analysis that embraces the notions of genre and repertoire in scientific discourse. The materials were approached considering the following interrelated dimensions: (a) semantic macro-areas; (b) discursive strategies; and (c) linguistic means. The data set is constituted by the Forewords and Introductions of different editions of the DSM, from the DSM-I through to the DSM-5. The analysis highlights the discursive strategies that play an important role in self-legitimisation and the construction of a dominant hegemonic discourse.
28 citations
TL;DR: This paper explored how Slovenian national public public television came to serve as a central site of contention where fundamental issues of identity, politics and national culture were challenged, negotiated and defined, and argued that one of the most important cultural and political institutions in the creation, maintenance and reinforcement of Slovenia's national identity was, and continues to be, national public television.
Abstract: This article illustrates how Slovenian national public television came to serve as a central site of contention where fundamental issues of identity, politics and national culture were challenged, negotiated and defined. The Slovenian case offers an interesting laboratory for an analysis of the role of journalism in creating and asserting a particular version of national identity. This article explores how Slovenian television's elites (journalists, editors and officials) articulate the importance of public television as the ‘machine that creates Slovenians’. Based on an analysis of roughly twelve interviews with journalists of Slovenian national television, I argue that one of the most important cultural and political institutions in the creation, maintenance and reinforcement of Slovenian national identity was, and continues to be, national public television.
28 citations
Cites background from "Selections from the prison notebook..."
...[28] I am partly following here Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, where mass media are understood as tools that ruling elites use to perpetuate their power, wealth and status by popularising and naturalising their own philosophy, culture and morality (see Gramsci, 1971)....
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