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Selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci
01 Jan 2015-
TL;DR: The first selection published from Gramsci's Prison Notebooks to be made available in Britain, and was originally published in the early 1970s as discussed by the authors, was the first publication of the Notebooks in the UK.
Abstract: Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks, written between 1929 and 1935, are the work of one of the most original thinkers in twentieth century Europe. Gramsci has had a profound influence on debates about the relationship between politics and culture. His complex and fruitful approach to questions of ideology, power and change remains crucial for critical theory. This volume was the first selection published from the Notebooks to be made available in Britain, and was originally published in the early 1970s. It contains the most important of Gramsci's notebooks, including the texts of The Modern Prince, and Americanism and Fordism, and extensive notes on the state and civil society, Italian history and the role of intellectuals. 'Far the best informative apparatus available to any foreign language readership of Gramsci.' Perry Anderson, New Left Review 'A model of scholarship' New Statesman
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TL;DR: The authors propose that the content of certain sociopolitical ideologies can be shaped by individuals in ways that satisfy their social motivations and examine implications of the present perspective for understanding the manner in which individuals compete over the meaning of crucial ideologies.
Abstract: The authors propose that the content of certain sociopolitical ideologies can be shaped by individuals in ways that satisfy their social motivations. This notion was tested in the context of color-blind ideology. Color blindness, when construed as a principle of distributive justice, is an egalitarian stance concerned with reducing discrepancies between groups’ outcomes; as a principle of procedural justice, however, color blindness can function as a legitimizing ideology that entrenches existing inequalities. In Study 1, White people high in antiegalitarian sentiment were found to shift their construal of color blindness from a distributive to a procedural principle when exposed to intergroup threat. In Studies 2, 3A, and 3B, the authors used manipulations and a measure of threat to show that antiegalitarian White people endorse color blindness to legitimize the racial status quo. In Study 3B, participants’ endorsement of color-blind ideology was mediated by increases in their preference for equal treatment (i.e., procedural justice) as a response to threat. In the Discussion section, the authors examine implications of the present perspective for understanding the manner in which individuals’ compete over the meaning of crucial ideologies.
197 citations
Cites background from "Selections from the prison notebook..."
...Rather, they must also endorse it: Ideologies gain force when individuals come to believe in them (Gramsci, 1971; HaneyLopez, 1996; Jost & Banaji, 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 2004; Winant, 2001)....
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...Indeed, the most effective legitimizing ideologies appeal to individuals from across social strata and political agendas as moral truth or common sense (Gramsci, 1971; Haney-Lopez, 1996; Jost & Banaji, 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 2004; Winant, 2001)....
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193 citations
20 Jan 2015
TL;DR: In this view, concentrated power and fallacies of control are more problems than solutions as discussed by the authors, and there is no alternative but compliance or irrational denial and existential doom, while there are alternative ways to address the gravity of current ecological and social imperatives.
Abstract: Current global environmental policy reverberates with talk of a new “Anthropocene epoch” defined by “human domination”, in which a “perfect storm” of catastrophic threats is forcing a singular “great transition” towards “planetary management”. Under growing “environmental authoritarianism”, democracy is increasingly seen as a “failure”, a “luxury”, or even “an enemy of nature”. If charge is to be taken of the “control variables of the Earth”, some say democracy must be “put on hold”. One way of seeing this trend, is that scientific and policy knowledges are becoming increasingly imprinted by the preoccupations of incumbent power with rhetorics of control. Under this growing political mood, it seems there is ‘no alternative’ but compliance – or irrational denial and existential doom. Yet there are alternative ways to address the gravity of current ecological and social imperatives. It can be recognised, for instance, that democratic struggle is the principal means by which knowledges and practices of Sustainability were shaped in the first place. In this view, concentrated power and fallacies of control are more problems than solutions. Here, history can show that the greatest ongoing forms of transformative progress (like release from colonialism, racism or patriarchy), owe more to plural knowledges and values and unruly hope-inspired agonistic contention, than to single orderly technical “transitions” based on formally-integrated science or fear-driven structured control.
189 citations
Cites background from "Selections from the prison notebook..."
...As we have seen, it is often a more plural, multidimensional and multiscale structural phenomenon [193][194][195][196], [197][198][199]....
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01 Jan 2007
TL;DR: Introduction: can NGOs make a difference?
188 citations
TL;DR: Izquierdo et al. as discussed by the authors examine the contradiction between the rhetoric of immigration politics stressing immigrant integration and the reality of immigrant exclusion and marginalization, and show how Spanish policies regularly "irregularize" Third World immigrants.
Abstract: This case study of immigration law in Spain examines the contradiction between the rhetoric of immigration politics stressing immigrant integration and the reality of immigrant exclusion and marginalization. Drawing from a variety of secondary sources, government documents, and interviews, I show how Spanish policies regularly "irregularize" Third World immigrants. Further, I argue that this legal construction of illegality consigns these immigrants to the margins of the economy where they provide what policymakers appreciatively call "flexibility" to the post-Fordist Spanish economy. Finally, I discuss the ways in which racial "otherness," exclusion, and economic function are mutually constituted, and the role of law in that process. Scholars of immigration and globalization often argue that a paradox exists between the contemporary forces of globalization and the dismantling of economic borders on one hand, and the increasingly restrictionist stance of Western capitalist democracies regarding immigration on the other (Aman 1994; Cesarani & Fulbrook 1996; de Lucas 1996; Hollifield 1992; Lusignan 1994; Scanlan 1994; Zolberg 1994). One example of this presumed paradox is the increasing ease with which capital and goods move in and out of Western Europe, while at the same time the "European Fortress" steps up control of its external borders (de Lucas 1996; Colectivo Virico 1994; Pugliese 1995; den Boer 1995:95). Perhaps even more conspicuous is the contrast between the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which allows for the free movement of investments and goods between Mexico and the United States, and U.S. immigration policies that appear to be increasingly restrictionist. Another theme that runs through much of the academic literature on immigration is the recurring gap between the declared intent of immigration laws and their outcomes. It is noted, for example, that despite concerted efforts to control immigration from developing countries, in most advanced capitalist democracies these efforts have been glaringly unsuccessful in controlling either the size of the flow or its composition, and in some cases have had a series of apparently unintended and counterproductive consequences (see Cornelius, Martin, & Hollifield 1994). The study of Spanish immigration law on which this article is based was undertaken as a way to explore such apparent contradictions. As a country that has undergone enormous political and economic transformation in the last two decades-almost overnight joining the roster of Western capitalist democraciesand that arguably experiences the contradictions of advanced capitalist development in an intensified fashion, Spain provides an interesting case study for such analysis. One of the preeminent scholars of Spanish immigration law has said, "The immigration of workers and their families from the `third world' is . the social-demographic phenomenon that most clearly reveals the contradictions, internal and international, of Spanish society in the last years of the twentieth century" (Izquierdo 1996:133). As we will see, this recent immigration to Spain and the laws that purportedly attempt to control it can shed light not only on the contradictions of Spanish society, as Izquierdo notes, but also on the broader contradictions of immigration and immigration control in the new global economy. As I began this study of immigration laws in Spain, I was soon struck by the marked contrast between the integrationist rhetoric accompanying these laws (for example, the Preamble to the first comprehensive law in 1985 proclaims that its purpose is to guarantee immigrants' rights and assure their integration in the host society) and their actual content, which systematically marginalizes immigrants and circumscribes their rights. I argue here that as Spain's economy took off in the 1980s and itjoined the emerging European Community, the economic importance of Third World immigrants increased at the same moment that Spain was pressured by its European neighbors to control its borders, which had become the southern gate to the new Fortress Europe. …
187 citations