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Selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci

TL;DR: The first selection published from Gramsci's Prison Notebooks to be made available in Britain, and was originally published in the early 1970s as discussed by the authors, was the first publication of the Notebooks in the UK.
Abstract: Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks, written between 1929 and 1935, are the work of one of the most original thinkers in twentieth century Europe. Gramsci has had a profound influence on debates about the relationship between politics and culture. His complex and fruitful approach to questions of ideology, power and change remains crucial for critical theory. This volume was the first selection published from the Notebooks to be made available in Britain, and was originally published in the early 1970s. It contains the most important of Gramsci's notebooks, including the texts of The Modern Prince, and Americanism and Fordism, and extensive notes on the state and civil society, Italian history and the role of intellectuals. 'Far the best informative apparatus available to any foreign language readership of Gramsci.' Perry Anderson, New Left Review 'A model of scholarship' New Statesman
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: As part of a longitudinal research project on learning to teach literacy and as a personal quest to make her work as a teacher educator more supportive, this article arranged an ongoing conversation for members of three cohorts of preservice and beginning elementary teachers.
Abstract: As part of a longitudinal research project on learning to teach literacy and as a personal quest to make her work as a teacher educator more supportive, this researcher arranged an ongoing conversation for members of three cohorts of preservice and beginning elementary teachers. The conversation was prompted by an interest in beginning teachers’ critical responses to the personal support for learning to teach that they receive from their teacher education programs. From the social, collaborative, and nonevaluative conversations, personally and contextually relevant issues in learning to teach emerged, as did the processes of identifying and understanding them. The result was not only a clarification of important relational and political issues that seem prerequisite to issues of academic learning, but also the emergence of a feminist consciousness —in both teachers and researcher. The method of studying the group’s learning, then, became an example of feminist praxis: a willingness to risk and examine per...

131 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the cases of Britain and Australia, where whole communities of Muslims have been criminalised as "evil" and a "fifth column" enemy within by media, politicians, the security services and the criminal justice system.
Abstract: Since 11 September 2001, Muslim minorities have experienced intensive “othering” in “Western” countries, above all in those US-led anglophone nations which invaded Afghanistan and Iraq to prosecute their “war on terror”. This paper examines the cases of Britain and Australia, where whole communities of Muslims have been criminalised as “evil” and a “fifth column” enemy within by media, politicians, the security services and the criminal justice system. Although constituted by disparate ethnic groups, the targeted communities in each of these nations have experienced similar treatment in the State's anti-terrorist measures, as well as ideological responses and everyday racism, making comparable the two cases.

130 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the "Oresteia" tragedy, the capture of Troy is the result of a joint venture by the Atreidai and the Olympian "family" (primarily Zeus xenios and Athena) as mentioned in this paper, who employ the traditional aristocratic relationships of xenia and hetaireia to renegotiate their own status within and at the pinnacle of the civic order.
Abstract: Intertwined with the celebration of Athenian democratic institutions, we find in the "Oresteia" another chain of interactions, in which the elite families of Argos, Phokis, Athens, and even Mount Olympos employ the traditional aristocratic relationships of xenia and hetaireia to renegotiate their own status within-and at the pinnacle of-the civic order, and thereby guarantee the renewed prosperity of their respective communities. The capture of Troy is the result of a joint venture by the Atreidai and the Olympian "family" (primarily Zeus xenios and Athena). Although Agamemnon falls victim to his own mishandling of aristocratic privilege, his son is raised by doryxenoi in Phokis (Strophios and Pylades), a relationship which is mirrored by that with the Olympian "allies," Hermes and Apollo. Orestes9 recovery of his father9s position is thus shown to depend upon a network of "guest-friends" and "sworn-comrades," reinforced by the traditional language of oaths and reciprocal loyalty. In the Eumenides, the alliance between the Olympian and Argive royal families is re-invoked as the basis both for Athena9s protection of Orestes, and finally for Zeus9 concern for his daughter9s Athenian dependents. In contrast to this successful "networking," and the resultant benefits that trickle down to the citizens of Argos and Athens, stand the seditious oaths and perverted "comradeship" of Aigisthos and Klytaimestra; likewise, the Erinyes are unable to draw on equivalent claims of pedigree or xenia to those enjoyed by Orestes and Apollo. Like all Greek tragedies, the "Oresteia" presents the action through constantly shifting viewpoints, those of aristocrats and commoners, leaders and led, while the propriety of this hierarchy itself is never questioned. And although the action moves from monarchical Argos to an incipiently democratic Athens, paradoxically we hear less and less about "ordinary," lower-class citizens as the trilogy progresses. Thus, at the same time that the trilogy reinforces the sense of collective survival and civic values (the perspectives, e.g., of the Argive Elders, Watchman, Herald, and Athenian Propompoi), it also suggests that these can be maintained only through the proper interventions of their traditional leaders. Aeschylus9 plays were composed during a time when the Athenian democracy was still developing, and elite leadership and patronage were still taken for granted. Attic tragedy and the City Dionysia may be seen as a site of negotiation between rival (democratic and aristocratic) ideologies within the polis, wherein a kind of "solidarity without consensus" is achieved. Written and staged by the elite under license from the demos, the dramas play out (in the safety of the theater space) dangerous stories of royal risk-taking, crime, glory, and suffering, in such a way as to reassure the citizen audience simultaneously of their own collective invulnerability, and of the unique value of their (highly vulnerable, often flawed, but ultimately irreplaceable) leading families.

129 citations

01 Jan 1992
TL;DR: In this paper, a challenge to this dichotomy is made, arguing that a notion of true tradi tion entails a way of seeing Pacific cultures as unitary essences, which concords with a view of Pacific peoples as peoples without history before the West brought social change, progress, and economic development.
Abstract: I n the burgeoning literature on "tradition" both within the Pacific and without, there is a persistent specter of inauthenticity.1 In the discourse of Pacific peoples and in the discourse of Western commentators, contrasts are made between true tradition and the invented artifact, between culture as a way of life as "simply living" and culture as a reified symbol of a way of life, between tradition as inheritance from the ancestors and tradition as the manipulative rhetoric of contemporary politicians. In this paper I offer a challenge to this dichotomy—first because a notion of true tradi tion entails a way of seeing Pacific cultures as unitary essences (cf, Handler and Linnekin 1984); second because it concords with a view of Pacific peoples as peoples without history before the West brought "social change," progress, and economic development (see Wolf 1982); and third because it equates unself-consciousness with authenticity (and by implica tion self-consciousness with inauthenticity). First I testify to the pervasiveness of this dichotomy in some of the most

127 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a qualitative case study of a seven-year-old Mexican American student and his family was conducted using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine both the child's emergent ideas about language, as expressed in bilingual literature discussions, and his parents' ideological discourses about the use of a minority language in public schools.
Abstract: This article presents a qualitative case study of a sevenyear-old Mexican American student and his family. Using Critical Discourse Analysis, we examine both the child’s emergent ideas about language, as expressed in bilingual literature discussions, and his parents’ ideological discourses about the use of a minority language in public schools. Vygotsky’s theory of learning oriented this research on language ideologies, focusing on how parents’ ideological discourses shape both literacy development and identity formation in early childhood. Our findings illustrate the importance of looking beyond the classroom and school contexts to identify diverse factors that may affect children’s development of biliteracy in early childhood, such as the role of language ideologies. This study demonstrates the complex relationships between literacy, language ideologies, and issues of identity within the broader contexts of controversies over bilingual education and official English laws in the USA.

126 citations


Cites background from "Selections from the prison notebook..."

  • ...His position reminds us of how dominant groups try to exert control through hegemony (Gramsci, 1971) by ‘integrating, rather than merely dominating, subordinate groups, winning their consent’ (Fairclough, 1992: 94)....

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