Abstract: Founded in social cognitive theory, teachers' self-efficacy beliefs have been repeatedly associated with positive teaching behaviors and student outcomes. However, teacher efficacy has developed a storied history regarding construct validity and measurement integrity. Study of teacher efficacy now stands on the verge of maturity, but such developmental growth will likely be contingent on development of strong theoretical models and effective instrumentation to assess theoretical constructs. The purpose of the present article is to: (a) briefly review the theoretical foundation of teacher efficacy and critically evaluate historical attempts to measure teacher efficacy, (b) discuss important substantive implications stemming from efficacy research that may advance the field, (c) present recent measurement advances, and (d) highlight several methodologies that have been underutilized in development of teacher efficacy instruments. Teacher Efficacy Research 3 Teacher Self-Efficacy: Substantive Implications and Measurement Dilemmas Anecdotally, we all have observed others prevailing amidst adversity and trial. Consider, for example, the following: • Louis Pasteur was only a mediocre pupil in undergraduate studies and ranked 15th out of 22 students in chemistry. • Albert Einstein was four before he began to speak. He did not read until he was seven. His teacher described him as "mentally slow, unsociable, and adrift forever in foolish dreams." • It has been told that a football expert once said of Vince Lombardi: "He possesses minimal football knowledge and lacks motivation." Of course, each of us could add our own testimony of how we have fared in the world, for better or worse. Implicit in these and our own anecdotes lies the question of how people are able to face challenge, direct their actions, and somehow succeed. One answer to this question lies with the concept of self-efficacy. What is Self-Efficacy and Why is it Important? The theoretical foundation of self-efficacy is found in social cognitive theory, developed by former APA president (1974) and current Stanford professor Albert Bandura (1977, 1997). Social cognitive theory assumes that people are capable of human agency, or intentional pursuit of courses of action, and that such agency operates in a process called triadic reciprocal causation. Reciprocal causation is a multi-directional model suggesting that our agency results in future behavior as a function of three interrelated forces: environmental influences, our behavior, and internal personal factors such as cognitive, affective, and biological processes. This trinity mutually impacts its members, determines what we come to believe about ourselves, and affects the choices we make and actions we take. We are not products of our environment. We are not products of our biology. Instead, we are products of the dynamic interplay between the external, the internal, and our current and past behavior. In reaction to more reductionist theories, Bandura noted: “Dualistic doctrines that regard mind and body as separate entities do not provide much enlightenment on the nature of the disembodied mental state or on how an immaterial mind and bodily events act on each other” (1986, p. 17). Central to Bandura’s (1997) framework is his concept of self-efficacy. Bandura’s aspirations about self-efficacy were grand, as reflected in the title of his 1977 article “SelfEfficacy: Toward a Unifying Theory of Behavioral Change.” In this seminal work, Bandura defined self-efficacy as “beliefs in one’s capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to produce given attainments” (p. 3). Self-efficacy beliefs were characterized as the major mediators for our behavior, and importantly, behavioral change. Over the last quarter century, Bandura’s other works continued to develop and defend the idea that our beliefs in our abilities powerfully affect our behavior, motivation, and ultimately our success or failure (cf. Bandura, 1982, 1986, 1993, 1996, 1997). Bandura (1997) proposed that because self-efficacy beliefs were explicitly self-referent in nature and directed toward perceived abilities given specific tasks, they were powerful predictors of behavior. The research literature has supported this proposition. Research has linked efficacy to a variety of clinical issues such as phobias (Bandura, 1983), addiction (Marlatt, Baer, & Teacher Efficacy Research 4 Quigley, 1995), depression (Davis & Yates, 1982), and smoking behavior (Garcia, Schmitz, & Doerfler, 1990). Educationally, self-efficacy beliefs are related to academic performance and self-regulated learning (cf. Hackett, 1995; Pajares, 1996; Schunk, 1991; Zimmerman, 1995). Importantly, efficacy beliefs help dictate motivation (cf. Maehr & Pintrich, 1997; Pintrich & Schunk, 1996). Bandura observed: “People regulate their level and distribution of effort in accordance with the effects they expect their actions to have. As a result, their behavior is better predicted from their beliefs than from the actual consequences of their actions” (1986, p. 129). From the social cognitive theory perspective, because human agency is mediated by our efficaciousness, self-efficacy beliefs influence our choices, our effort, our persistence when facing adversity, and our emotions (cf. Pajares, 1997). In short, self-efficacy theory is a common theme in current views of motivation (Graham & Weiner, 1996), primarily because of its predictive power and application for practically any behavioral task. This article will focus on one area of self-efficacy application directly relevant to educational improvement: teacher self-efficacy. Unfortunately, teacher efficacy research has at times been theoretically confused. In effort to advance and strengthen the study of teacher efficacy, I will (a) briefly review the theoretical foundation of teacher efficacy and critically evaluate historical attempts to measure the construct, (b) discuss important substantive implications stemming from efficacy research that may advance the field, (c) present recent measurement advances, and (d) highlight several methodologies that have been underutilized in development of teacher efficacy instruments. What is Teacher Self-efficacy and Why is it Important? Consistent with the general formulation of self-efficacy, Tschannen-Moran and Woolfolk Hoy (in press) defined teacher efficacy as a teacher’s “judgment of his or her capabilities to bring about desired outcomes of student engagement and learning, even among those students who may be difficult or unmotivated.” The study of teacher efficacy is a little over two decades old and began with RAND researchers’ evaluation of whether teachers believed they could control the reinforcement of their actions (Armor et al., 1976). This early work was founded on Rotter’s (1966) locus of control theory, and it was assumed that student learning and motivation were the relevant reinforcers of teaching action. Historically, the Bandura (1977) and Rotter (1966) traditions have influenced the study of teacher efficacy. Unfortunately, researchers' interpretations of these theories have significantly muddied the efficacy waters as regards the theoretical formulation of teacher efficacy and the psychometric attempts to measure the construct. Tschannen-Moran, Woolfolk Hoy, and Hoy (1998) provided a comprehensive review of these historical developments and they will not be reiterated here, with the exception of several measurement issues noted below. In spite of the measurement confusion, teacher efficacy still emerged as a worthy variable in educational research. As Woolfolk and Hoy (1990) noted, “Researchers have found few consistent relationships between characteristics of teachers and the behavior or learning of students. Teachers’ sense of efficacy . . . is an exception to this general rule” (p. 81). The idea that teachers’ self-beliefs are determinants of teaching behavior is a simple, yet powerful idea. The correlates of teacher efficacy are many when using a variety of efficacy scales and measurements. Students of efficacious teachers generally have outperformed students in other classes. Teacher efficacy was predictive of achievement on the Iowa Test of Basic Skills (Moore & Esselman, 1992), the Canadian Achievement Tests (Anderson, Greene, & Loewen, 1988), and the Ontario Assessment Instrument Pool (Ross, 1992). Watson (1991) observed greater Teacher Efficacy Research 5 achievement in rural, urban, majority Black, and majority White schools for students of efficacious teachers. Teacher efficacy is also related to students’ own sense of efficacy (Anderson et al., 1988) and student motivation (Midgley, Feldlaufer, & Eccles, 1989). Regarding teacher behaviors, efficacious teachers persist with struggling students and criticize less after incorrect student answers (Gibson & Dembo, 1984). They are more likely to agree that a low SES student should be placed in a regular education setting and less likely to refer students for special education (Meijer & Foster, 1988; Podell & Soodak, 1993; Soodak & Podell, 1993). Teachers with high efficacy tend to experiment with methods of instruction, seek improved teaching methods, and experiment with instructional materials (Allinder, 1994; Guskey, 1988; Stein & Wang, 1988). Coladarci (1992) observed higher professional commitment for efficacious inservice teachers. Evans and Tribble (1986) found similar results for preservice teachers. Clearly the study of teacher efficacy has borne much fruit. However, teacher efficacy is the subject of current debate concerning its meaning and measure (cf. Tschannen-Moran et al., 1998). The dialogue has centered on two issues. First, based on the theoretical nature of the selfefficacy construct as defined by Bandura (1977, 1997), researchers have argued that self-efficacy is most appropriately measured within context regarding specific behaviors (Pajares, 1996). Second, the construct validity