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Slavery and Prison -- Understanding the Connections

Kim Gilmore
- 22 Sep 2000 - 
- Vol. 27, Iss: 3, pp 195
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TLDR
For example, the U.S. prison population reached 2,000,000 in 2000, with millions more under the jurisdiction of the criminal justice system in local jails awaiting trial, in INS prisons awaiting deportation, or in their homes linked with criminal justice authorities through ankle bracelets that track thei r every move as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract
"I'M BEGINNING TO BELIEVE THAT 'U.S.A.' STANDS FOR THE UNDERPRIVILEGED Slaves of America" (Esposito and Wood, 1982: 149), wrote a 20th-century prisoner from Mississippi in a letter detailing the daily violence he witnessed behind prison walls. His statement resounds with a long tradition of prisoners, particularly African-American prisoners, who have used the language and narrative of slavery to describe the conditions of their imprisonment. In the year 2000. as the punishment industry becomes a leading employer and producer for the U.S. "state," and as private prison and "security" corporations bargain to control the profits of this traffic in human unfreedom, the analogies between slavery and prison abound. This year the U.S. prison population cascaded past 2,000,000, [1] with millions more under the jurisdiction of the criminal justice system in local jails awaiting trial, in INS prisons awaiting deportation, or in their homes linked with criminal justice authorities through ankle bracelets that track thei r every move. Recent studies of the prison boom stress the persistent disparities in sentencing according to race -- prison populations continue to be disproportionately African American and Latino. With longer sentences being imposed for nonviolent drug offenses, with aggressive campaigns aimed at criminalizing young people, and with the growing number of children left orphaned by the criminal justice system, the carceral reach of the state and private corporations resonates with the history of slavery and marks a level of human bondage unparalleled in the 20th century. Scholars and activists have plunged into an examination of the historical origins of racialized slavery as a coercive labor form and social system in an attempt to explain the huge increase in mass incarceration in the U.S. since the end of World War II. Drawing these links has been important in explaining the relationship between racism and criminalization after emancipation, and in connecting the rise of industrial and mechanized labor to the destructive effects of deindustrialization and globalization. The point of retracing this history is not to argue that prisons have been a direct outgrowth of slavery, but to interrogate the persistent connections between racism and the global economy. Mass imprisonment on the level seen in the U.S. in the 20th century occupies a phase along the spectrum of unfree labor related to, yet distinct from, chattel slavery. As many scholars of the punishment industry have shown, regardless of the labor prisoners do to service the larger economy (either private or public), pr isons increasingly function in the U.S. economy as answers to the devastation unleashed by the dual forces of Reaganomics and the globalization of capital (Parenti, 1999; Gilmore, 1997; Manning, 1983). The immediate post-emancipation period is a key place to start in outlining the investment of the U.S. state in this trade in humanity. Related to the above is the growth of new abolitionist movements whose goals are the elimination of mass imprisonment as a method of treatment for addiction and mental illness, as an economic ameliorative, and as a method of social control -- what one scholar has termed "the carceral management of poverty" (Wacquant, 1999: 349). The connections between slavery and imprisonment have been used by abolitionists as an historical explanation and as part of a radical political strategy that questions the feasibility of "reform" as an appropriate response to prison expansion. As a leader in the creation of this new abolitionist movement, Angela Davis (1996: 26) has written, "I choose the word 'abolitionist' deliberately. The 13th Amendment, when it abolished slavery, did so except for convicts. Through the prison system, the vestiges of slavery have persisted. It thus makes sense to use a word that has this historical resonance." Though some 20th-century abolitionist movements connect themselves expressly with the tradition of 19th-century abolitionists and antislavery advocates, abolitionism as defined here is the conglomerate of many local movements that express abolitionist aims indirectly through challenging the fundamental methods of the prison-industrial complex -- mandatory minimum sentences, harsh penalties for nonviolent drug offenses, and the continuous construction of prisons that goes on regardless of crime rates. …

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Disparities in Health, Poverty, Incarceration, and Social Justice among Racial Groups in the United States: A Critical Review of Evidence of Close Links with Neoliberalism

TL;DR: It is suggested that neoliberalism exacerbates racial disparities in health, poverty, and incarceration in the United States and is called for a new direction in public health research that advances a pro-poor public health agenda to improve the general well-being of disadvantaged groups.
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"Punishment's Twin": Theorizing Prisoner Reentry for a Politics of Abolition

Renee Marie Byrd
- 14 Nov 2013 - 
TL;DR: Shaylor as discussed by the authors argues that prisoner reentry must be grounded in a politics of abolition if it is to undermine the conditions of mass imprisonment's emergence, arguing that reform is in a mutually constitutive relationship with punishment.
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Dis-epistemologies of Abolition

TL;DR: The authors argue that carceral abolition (as it appears in prison abolition and deinstitutionalization) is a form of knowledge, an ethical position, rooted in maroonage and show the consequences of not engaging with abolition from intersectional frameworks.
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The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class.

TL;DR: The authors argue that white working-class racism is underpinned by a complex series of psychological and ideological mechanisms that reinforce racial stereotypes, and thus help to forge the identities of white workers in opposition to black workers.
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The wages of whiteness : race and the making of the American working class

TL;DR: The authors argue that white working-class racism is underpinned by a complex series of psychological and ideological mechanisms that reinforce racial stereotypes, and thus help to forge the identities of white workers in opposition to black workers.
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TL;DR: Moore's Body: Bill Moore's Body 1. The Possessive Investment in Whiteness 2. Law and Order: Civil Rights Laws and White Privilege 3. Immigrant Labor and Identity Politics 4. Whiteness and War 5. White Fear: O.J. Simpson and the Greatest Story Ever Sold 6. White Desire: Remembering Robert Johnson 7. Lean on Me: Beyond Identity Politics 8. "Swing Low, Sweet Cadillac": Antiblack Racism and White Identity 9. "Frantic to Join...the Japanese Army": Beyond the Black-White Binary
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