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Sociobiophysicality, Cold War, and Critical Theor y: Human-Ecological Transformation and Contemporary Ecological Subjectivity

01 Jan 2013-
TL;DR: Lukacs as mentioned in this paper pointed out that the problem of why and with what justification we should view this human-created world as constitutive of human reason never arises, and pointed out the connection between the fundamental problems of this philosophy and the basis in existence from which these problems spring.
Abstract: forms of life characteristic of its (capitalist) context, while remaining bound to the immediacy of the forms of appearance of that context” (Postone, 2002: 79). Regarding modern Western science, Lukacs asserts: The more highly developed it [modern science] becomes and the more scientific, the more it will become a formally closed system of partial laws. It will then find that the world lying beyond its confines, and in particular the material base which it is its task to understand, its own concrete underlying reality lies, methodologically and in principle, beyond its grasp. (Lukacs, 1971 [1923]: 104) Lukacs here criticizes the economist Tugan-Baranovsky’s attempts to explain production in purely quantitative terms. The formalism of bourgeois thought, according to Lukacs, has political implications: The reified world appears henceforth quite definitively—and in philosophy, under the spotlight of ‘criticism it is potentiated still further—as the only possible world, the only conceptually accessible, comprehensible world vouchsafed for us humans (...) By confining itself to the study of the ‘possible conditions’ of the validity of the forms in which its underlying existence is manifested, modern bourgeois thought bars its own way to a clear view of the problems bearing on the birth and death of these forms, and on their real essence and substratum. (Lukacs, 1971 [1923]: 110) Lukacs then works through the antinomies of bourgeois thought, as indicated by the problems and contradictions of modern Western philosophy. Here Lukacs focuses on Kant’s concept of the thing-in-itself and the more general notion that the world can be known to us to the degree to which it is created by us. Lukacs (1971 [1923]: 112) regards the latter as the defining problem of modern Western philosophy. However, Lukacs is not simply interested in the intellectual history of Western philosophy. Rather, his aim is to 90 Tugan-Baranovsky’s student, Nikolai Kondratiev, would later become well known for his theory of longterm cycles of economic expansion and contraction. It is interesting to note here the connection to Arrighi (1994), whose theory of structural transformation within the capitalist world-system, which draws heavily from Kondratiev, I critique in chapter four along lines similar to, yet distinct from, Lukacs’s critique of Tugan-Baranovsky. 85 grasp “the connection between the fundamental problems of this philosophy and the basis in existence from which these problems spring and to which they strive to return by the road of the understanding” (Lukacs, 1971 [1923]: 112). When writing about the idea that the world can be known to us to the degree to which it is created by us, Lukacs (1971 [1923]: 112) indicates that the question of “why and with what justification” we should view this human-created world as constitutive of human reason never arises. According to Lukacs, the reason this basic question never arises can be explained with reference to the intrinsic relationship between social structure and subjectivity. To put it another way, Lukacs explains that bourgeois thought exhibits a “double tendency,” which is also characteristic of bourgeois society, and that it expresses this opposition between an objective material world and subjective consciousness: On the one hand, it [bourgeois thought] acquires increasing control over the details of its social existence, subjecting them to its needs. On the other hand it loses—likewise progressively—the possibility of gaining intellectual control of society as a whole and with that it loses its own qualification for leadership. (Lukacs, 1971 [1923]: 121) Lukacs (1971 [1923]: 122) believes this problem is ultimately rooted in the division between theory and practice. Lukacs’s theory of praxis seeks to move beyond traditional subject-object epistemology. He indicates that both subject and object develop simultaneously through practice—and that this process is thoroughly dialectical. In other words, through praxis the subject both constitutes and is constituted by social structure. This practical activity, according to Lukacs, is also historically determinate. It is on this basis that Lukacs is able ground his explanation of the antinomies of bourgeois thought, particularly the opposition between objective matter and subjective consciousness, in the relationship between social structure and subjectivity, a relationship reflective of the contradictory nature of modern capitalist society: [M]an in capitalist society confronts a reality ‘made’ by himself (as a class) which appears to him to be a natural phenomenon alien to himself; he is wholly at the mercy of its ‘laws’, his activity is confined to the exploitation of the inexorable fulfillment of certain individual laws for his own (egoistic) interests. But even while ‘acting’ he remains, in the nature of the case, the object and not the subject of events. The field of his activity thus becomes wholly internalized: it consists on the one hand of the awareness of the laws which he uses and, on the other, of his awareness of his inner reactions to the course taken by events. (Lukacs, 1971 [1923]: 135)

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01 Jan 1978

91 citations


"Sociobiophysicality, Cold War, and ..." refers background in this paper

  • ...1960s (Divine, 1978), the growth of so-called “new social movements” (such as the civil rights and antiwar movements) (Coontz, 1992), and the actual post-World War II expansion of production and consumption (McNeill, 2000; Schnaiberg, 1980; Schnaiberg and Gould, 2000) are important factors to consider, I will focus my analysis on the...

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TL;DR: In this article, an analysis of Marx's and Engels's response to the Ukrainian socialist Sergei Podolinsky is presented, showing that they relied on an open-system, metabolic-energetic model that adhered to all of the main strictures of ecological economics, but also (unlike ecological economics) rooted the violation of solar and other environmental-sustainability conditions in the class relations of capitalist society.
Abstract: Until recently, most commentators, including ecological Marxists, have assumed that Marx's historical materialism was only marginally ecologically sensitive at best, or even that it was explicitly anti-ecological. However, research over the last decade has demonstrated not only that Marx deemed ecological materialism essential to the critique of political economy and to investigations into socialism, but also that his treatment of the coevolution of nature and society was in many ways the most sophisticated to be put forth by any social theorist prior to the late twentieth century. Still, criticisms continue to be leveled at Marx and Engels for their understanding of thermodynamics and the extent to which their work is said to conflict with the core tenets of ecological economics. In this respect, the rejection by Marx and Engels of the pioneering contributions of the Ukrainian socialist Sergei Podolinsky, one of the founders of energetics, has been frequently offered as the chief ecological case against them. Building on an earlier analysis of Marx's and Engels's response to Podolinsky, this article shows that they relied on an open-system, metabolic-energetic model that adhered to all of the main strictures of ecological economics – but one that also (unlike ecological economics) rooted the violation of solar and other environmental-sustainability conditions in the class relations of capitalist society. The result is to generate a deeper understanding of classical historical materialism's ecological approach to economy and society – providing an ecological-materialist critique that can help uncover the systemic roots of today's “treadmill of production” and global environmental crisis.

91 citations


"Sociobiophysicality, Cold War, and ..." refers background in this paper

  • ...…of value is rational.53 Foster and his collaborator Paul Burkett have attempted to debunk the narrative that Marxism is unconcerned with ecology (Burkett, 1999, 2006; Burkett and Foster, 2006; Foster and Burkett, 2004), and their efforts have made a significant contribution in this regard....

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  • ...Foster and his collaborator Paul Burkett have attempted to debunk the narrative that Marxism is unconcerned with ecology (Burkett, 1999, 2006; Burkett and Foster, 2006; Foster and Burkett, 2004), and their efforts have made a significant contribution in this regard....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors define the notion of the paradigms, and present a list of illustrators for the paradigm theory and its application in the field of psychology.
Abstract: List of Illustrations ix List of Abbreviations xi Acknowledgments xv Introduction: Rumors of an Enemy 3 PART ONE: DEFINING THE PARADIGM 1.Inventing the Behavioral Sciences 19 2.The Culture of Think Tanks 38 3.Psychopolitics and Primary Groups: Theories of Culture and Society in Cold War Academia 57 PART TWO: NORMAL SCIENCE 4.The Obstinate Audience: The Art of Information Management in the Cold War 75 5.The War of Ideas:Ideologyand Science in Psychological Warfare 94 6.Deus ex Clinica : Psychopolitics and Elite Studies of Communism 124 7.Collective Behavior in Totalitarian Societies: The Analysis of Enemy POWs in Korea 144 8.Prison Camps and Culture Wars: The Korean Brainwashing Controversy 162 PART THREE: CRISIS 9.Vietnam: From "Hearts and Minds" to "Rational Choice" 185 10.Paradigm Lost: The Project Camelot Affair 206 11.Epilogue:Report from Iron Mountain and Beyond 226 Notes 239 Index 271

89 citations

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