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Journal ArticleDOI

Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality

01 Jan 1985-The Philosophical Review (Basil Blackwell)-Vol. 83, Iss: 1, pp 142
TL;DR: Lawler as mentioned in this paper argued that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament, which is hardly a rational position in the sense that it is suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some.
Abstract: that a plurality of the American Catholic bishops endorse a nuclear freeze (p. 4), saying that they are thus "taking their stance with Moscow,55 which is for a freeze, and not with the Vatican, which "is still in favor of disarmament?not a freeze.55 To make any sense at all, Mr. Lawler must mean that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament? hardly a rational position. One recalls here the arguments, during the 19305s and 19405s, that being for racial justice in the United States was suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some, because the communists also favored it.
Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In different phases of capitalism, it may be increasing, constant or decreasing, depending on the dominant type of technical progress (capital-using, capital-neutral, or capital-saving), on the organizational capacity of the workers, on the competition from other countries with lower wages, and on the prevailing degree of democracy.
Abstract: We live in a capitalist world characterized by economic inequality. Inequality is a real curse, but it does not have to always increase. In different phases of capitalism, it may be increasing, constant, or decreasing, depending on the dominant type of technical progress (capital-using, capital-neutral, or capital-saving), on the organizational capacity of the workers, on the competition from other countries with lower wages, and on the prevailing degree of democracy. But distribution faces an economic constraint: the expected profit rate must remain attractive to business entrepreneurs. From the mid-twentieth century, we would expect technological progress to change from neutral to capital-saving, which would allow wages to increase at a faster rate than productivity. Indeed, this happened in the Golden Years of capitalism, but such progress stalled in the succeeding neoliberal years, dominated as they were by a class coalition of rentier capitalists and financiers.

12 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors lay the foundations for a democratic defence of the argument that at least some non-citizens are entitled to claim rights of political participation with regard to states in which they are not resident.
Abstract: This paper lays the foundations for a democratic defence of the argument that at least some non-citizens are entitled to claim rights of political participation with regard to states in which they are not resident. First I outline a distinctively democratic case for granting participatory rights to certain non-resident non-citizens, based upon the central claim that in a democracy those who are governed ought to have the opportunity to participate in the exercise of government. I offer support for extending rights of participation to some non-resident non-citizens by addressing two possible democratic objections, relating to political equality and reciprocity.

12 citations


Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."

  • ...…rights, because ‘political power’ cannot ‘be exercised democratically without the ongoing consent of subjects’, and its subjects in fact include ‘every man and woman who lives within the territory over which those decisions are enforced’ (Walzer 1983, p. 58, also Rubio-Marin 2000, Bosniak 2006)....

    [...]

  • ...Long-term residents are de facto members, ‘men and women who resemble citizens in every respect that counts in the host country’ (Walzer 1983, p. 59, also Sassen 2003, p. 43); they should have access to the rights that come with full, and fully recognized, membership....

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  • ...…with regard to rights of political participation, deemed to mark out the boundaries of self-determining political communities perfectly entitled to exclude outsiders – in the form of nonresident non-citizens – from their political decision-making processes (Walzer 1983, pp. 62–63, Whelan 1983)....

    [...]

  • ...…people of a democracy incorporates ‘every man and woman who lives within the territory over which those decisions are enforced’, the foundational idea appears to be that in a modern democracy the people ought to include all those who are governed, not just some subset thereof (Walzer 1983, p. 58)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the multination federal model risks marginalizing French-speaking Quebecers who support pan-Canadian nationalism and encouraging English Canadian nationalism, and suggest that a debate over the merits of pan Canadian nationalism within English Canada and French Quebec can be identified.
Abstract: This article addresses the problem of managing nationalism in multination states by evaluating the influential multination federal model, as put forward by a group of Canadian scholars. Finding that it employs an overly primordial view of nations, the article argues that John Hutchinson’s approach, which foregrounds the conflict of nationalisms that occurs within nations, offers a better lens from which to bring to light the sources of unity and disunity in multination states. To illustrate this, the article discusses the conflict of nationalisms in Canada, suggesting that a debate over the merits of pan-Canadian nationalism within English Canada and French Quebec can be identified. In failing to account for this, the article argues that the multination federal model risks (1) marginalizing French-speaking Quebecers who support pan-Canadian nationalism and (2) encouraging English Canadian nationalism. To conclude, the article suggests that models seeking to mitigate the potential centrifugal effects of nationalism should avoid privileging one type of nationalism over another.

12 citations


Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."

  • ...What would be the barriers to multination federalism, from the perspective of the Canada school? Given that, at least since the 1970s, Québécois nationalism has predominated among French-speaking Quebecers (Venne, 2000), there is an assumption that multination federalism would be accepted by them (although this assumption problematically ignores the possibility that there are panCanadianists in French-speaking Québec, which I discuss in the section ‘National minorities as zones of conflicts’)....

    [...]

  • ...Given that, at least since the 1970s, Québécois nationalism has predominated among French-speaking Quebecers (Venne, 2000), there is an assumption that multination federalism would be accepted by them (although this assumption problematically ignores the possibility that there are panCanadianists…...

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the possibility that the happy victimizer phenomenon (HVP) also appears among adults and propose to explain HVP in terms of a specific moral stage, i.e., a specific kind of moral reasoning.
Abstract: In this study we examine the possibility that the happy victimizer phenomenon (HVP), which is generally thought to be restricted to a specific period in middle childhood, also appears among adults. In contrast to other studies that explain the HVP as a lack of moral motivation or an insufficiently developed moral self, we propose to explain HVP in terms of a specific moral stage, i.e., a specific kind of moral reasoning. In particular we identify HV-typical moral reasoning with a sub-form of Kohlberg Stage 2. Adult usage of this moral stage is then explained in terms of situation-specificity. We also try to elaborate the idea of situational adjustment and to reveal the processes of activation and usage of previously acquired moral stage principles. Our empirical study shows that adults use HV-typical principles in specific situations.

11 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors evaluate consent-based justifications for restricted social entitlements of temporary migrant workers, with reference to empirical evidence concerning the practical social and economic conditions of choice experienced by these temporary migrants.
Abstract: Temporary labour migration programmes have often attracted significant controversy, particularly with regard to provisions that restrict the social entitlements available to temporary migrant workers, compared with other categories of residents. Advocates of such restrictions have argued that migrants freely choose to participate in temporary migration schemes on the prevailing terms, and are free to leave at any time if such participation no longer serves their interests. Our central goal in this paper is to critically evaluate such consent-based justifications for restricted social entitlements of temporary migrant workers, with reference to empirical evidence concerning the practical social and economic conditions of choice experienced by these temporary migrants. Drawing on evidence from one major receiving country – Australia – we show that consent-based justifications for restricted social entitlements fail to fully account for either the practical complexity of individual migration choices,...

11 citations