Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality
TL;DR: Lawler as mentioned in this paper argued that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament, which is hardly a rational position in the sense that it is suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some.
Abstract: that a plurality of the American Catholic bishops endorse a nuclear freeze (p. 4), saying that they are thus "taking their stance with Moscow,55 which is for a freeze, and not with the Vatican, which "is still in favor of disarmament?not a freeze.55 To make any sense at all, Mr. Lawler must mean that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament? hardly a rational position. One recalls here the arguments, during the 19305s and 19405s, that being for racial justice in the United States was suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some, because the communists also favored it.
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09 May 2016
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide an overview of the discussions on global poverty, justice, cosmopolitanism and statism, migration, the capability approach and different dimensions of global justice.
Abstract: Globalisation involves both promising potentials and risks. It has the potential ‐ through the spread of human rights, the migration of people and ideas, and the integration of diverse economies ‐ to improve human wellbeing and enhance the protection of human rights worldwide. But globalisation also incurs risks: global environmental risks (such as global warming), the creation of new centres of power with limited legitimacy, a ‘race to the bottom’ regarding workers’ safety and rights, risky journeys of thousands of migrants and not least growing global inequalities. Globalisation, therefore, is a key factor for today’s discussions of justice. As globalisation connects people, it also raises associated responsibilities between them. Until recently, the interest in justice among political philosophers and social ethicists was mainly focused on the nation state. However, this is no longer feasible. Since economic globalisation affects how wealth and power are distributed globally it has become indispensable to discuss social ethics in a global context and to develop principles of global justice. Global justice, therefore, entails an assessment of the benefits and burdens of the structural relations and institutional arrangements that constitute and govern globalisation The academic discussion of global justice is vibrant and expanding. In my introduction I provide an overview of the discussions on global poverty, justice, cosmopolitanism and statism, migration, the capability approach and different dimensions of global justice. In a way, globalisation is nothing new. Great empires have had global ambitions all throughout the history of mankind. The Roman Empire enclosed the whole of the ‘civilised world’, the Moghul Empire extended form East Asia to Europe and the British Empire covered at the beginning of the last century 20 per cent of the world’s area and contained 20 per cent of its inhabitants. In contrast, the present globalisation is not territorial, instead it transcends territories. Indeed, ‘globalisation’ has become a buzzword often used in today’s political and economic rhetoric, but it is also a word that catches something significant that has happened the last, say 30 ‐ 40 years. As Jan Scholte said at the Societas Ethica conference in 2015:
11 citations
TL;DR: Despite the large benefits to guest workers from poor countries in rich countries, agencies charged with global poverty reduction do little to facilitate guest work as mentioned in this paper. This may be because gue...
Abstract: Despite the large benefits to guest workers from poor countries in rich countries, agencies charged with global poverty reduction do little to facilitate guest work. This may be because gue...
11 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the arguments in favor of and against a right to mobility by considering human resource managements for the supply chains and examine the implications of such a right in terms of supply chain management, social cohesion, economic wealth, security, and border/migration governance.
Abstract: This article discusses the arguments in favor of and against a right to mobility by considering human resource managements for the supply chains. It argues that contemporary migration and border policies are largely restrictive but still fail to meet their announced objectives which call for alternative approaches to international human resource management. From a human rights viewpoint, tight border controls are accompanied by major challenges; including trafficking, the refuge crisis, and the death and vulnerability of irregular migrants; which ultimately threaten the moral foundations of liberal democracies. In this context, a right to mobility may constitute a relevant answer and the article examines the implications of such a right in terms of supply chain management, social cohesion, economic wealth, security, and border/migration governance.
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors defend a pro-tanto right to democracy within large and hierarchical churches and explain that, once appropriately qualified, this right is not overruled by claims to freedom of religious association and church autonomy.
Abstract: Where organized religion begins, democratic rights end. Or so it is often assumed. Traditionally, most political philosophers have agreed that democratic norms should not directly regulate the internal governance of nonpolitical organizations. And while a growing number of scholars have recently argued in favor of democratizing some nonpolitical organizations, most notably business firms, religious associations continue to be regarded as paradigmatic cases of democracy-free zones. Contrary to this view, I defend a pro tanto right to democracy within large and hierarchical churches. I then explain that, once appropriately qualified, this right is not overruled by claims to freedom of religious association and church autonomy. Testing the extension of democratic rights to churches provides an opportunity to tackle, at once, a series of broader normative issues, including the scope of democracy “below” the state, the limits of freedom of association, and the putatively special status of religion.
11 citations
Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."
...While consent, given at a single moment in time may be sufficient to legitimize isolated market transactions, it is not sufficient to legitimize continuous rule over others and thus to protect subjects from arbitrary exercises of power (Carens 2013, 50; Walzer 1983, 58–59)....
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...Even those (e.g., Miller 2008; Walzer 1983; Wellman 2008) who claim that states have an almost unconstrained right to exclude immigrants agree that, once foreigners are admitted, they must at some point be offered political rights....
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...For similar reasons, many would agree that people cannot permanently alienate their rights to vote within a state (see, e.g., Carens 2013; Walzer 1983), although they may choose not to exercise them....
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...…such as business firms and enterprises (e.g., Cohen 1989; Dahl 1985; Gosseries and Ponthière 2008; Hsieh 2008; McMahon 1997; O’Neill 2008; Walzer 1983), religious organizations are generally regarded as inappropriate sites of democratic decision making, even by those who would otherwise…...
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...First, as Michael Walzer (1983, 58) has argued, to be subject to a pervasive power that shapes and regulates most aspects of one’s life without being able to give ongoing consent to it is equivalent to be ruled by tyrants....
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TL;DR: In this article, a conceptual and analytical framework for analysing the ongoing structuring of the European public sphere is proposed, which views the public sphere as being in a symbiotic, but non-deterministic relationship with polity forms and diversity accommodations.
Abstract: This article proposes a conceptual and analytical framework for analysing the ongoing structuring of the European public sphere. It views the public sphere as being in a symbiotic, but non-deterministic relationship with polity forms and diversity accommodations. Operationalising the public sphere as a four-dimensional matrix of governance levels, networks, discourses, and collective actors, which takes into account the aforementioned relationship, it identifies the elements of the public sphere that should be focused on research about the European public sphere and locates the individual articles in this issue of Javnost – The Public within this matrix.
10 citations