Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality
TL;DR: Lawler as mentioned in this paper argued that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament, which is hardly a rational position in the sense that it is suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some.
Abstract: that a plurality of the American Catholic bishops endorse a nuclear freeze (p. 4), saying that they are thus "taking their stance with Moscow,55 which is for a freeze, and not with the Vatican, which "is still in favor of disarmament?not a freeze.55 To make any sense at all, Mr. Lawler must mean that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament? hardly a rational position. One recalls here the arguments, during the 19305s and 19405s, that being for racial justice in the United States was suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some, because the communists also favored it.
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01 Jan 2020
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used socioeconomic statistics of census areas in conjunction with public transport travel data from a transport forecast model to assess the geographical and distributional fairness of alternative fare schemes: flat, zone-based and distance-based.
Abstract: When Public Transport Administrations propose changes in fare schemes or increased fares, they are often met with concerns regarding the proposed fare schemes fairness. Implicit in these concerns is an understanding of relations governing land use and public transport, impacting equity. In this paper, we use socio-economic statistics of census areas in conjunction with public transport travel data from a transport forecast model to assess the geographical and distributional fairness of alternative fare schemes: flat, zone-based and distance-based. We discuss our result in relation to both the scientific literature and the known “truths” in the public debate. The method is applied to the Case study of Stockholm public transport. We find that high-income travelers benefit from all three fare schemes considered but, in contrast to much of the literature, least by flat fares. A strong distance-dependent fare could be horizontally equitable but has poor vertical equity.
9 citations
01 Jan 1997
TL;DR: In this article, the authors address the problem of justification for the right to education in the context of a social right o f education, and present a number of specific issues that need to be dealt with.
Abstract: ing from actual political conflicts, theories can no more than intimate the kind of principles and institutions required. As I now turn to the social right o f education, a whole range of more specific issues are raised. While it will take me some considerable time to deal with them, the problem of classification will remain present throughout and 1 will explicitly return to it in section III where the Habermasian analysis is completed with the introduction of the more formalised 'gate model'. II) JUSTIFYING THE BASIC RIGHT TO EDUCATION In seeking a justification for the right to education, I ask a similar question to the ones raised in the former chapters concerning the other basic rights: on which grounds can one accept the duties required for the fulfilment of other's interests in education? Compared to the many theories accounting for the right to free speech, much less work has been done so far in political theory to answer this question about the right to
9 citations
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09 Jul 2013
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors make a case rich in theory and narrative for a new reflexive approach to real life situations, which draws on Pierre Bourdieu's logic of practice and the complexity sciences.
Abstract: In an increasingly complex and interconnected world, the authors make a case rich in theory and narrative for a new reflexive approach to real life situations. This approach (immersed reflexivity) draws on Pierre Bourdieu's logic of practice and the complexity sciences.
9 citations
TL;DR: Querying the intersection of commodification and phase I clinical trials illuminates important features ofhealthy volunteers' experiences, disentangles commodification from a dominant narrative about exploitation, and brings focus to the question of what, if any, market norms will best protect the multiple ways in which healthy volunteers' welfare is impacted by clinical trial participation.
Abstract: In phase I clinical trials, healthy volunteers are dosed with investigational drugs and subjected to blood draws and other bodily monitoring procedures while they are confined to clinic spaces. In exchange, they are paid. These participants are, in a direct sense, selling access to their bodies for pharmaceutical companies and their associates to run drugs through. However, commodification is rarely investigated as an ethical dimension of phase I trial participation. We address this gap in the literature by bringing the voices of phase I healthy volunteers into conversation with philosophical perspectives on body commodification. Querying the intersection of commodification and phase I clinical trials illuminates important features of healthy volunteers' experiences, disentangles commodification from a dominant narrative about exploitation, and brings focus to the question of what, if any, market norms will best protect the multiple ways in which healthy volunteers' welfare is impacted by clinical trial participation.
9 citations
28 Apr 2017
TL;DR: The authors examines the reasons why many ethnic movements surge in liberal societies and whether it is possible to resolve ethnic conflicts within these societies, and shows that even though such a resolution is theoretically possible, in reality there are three serious obstacles: (1) people tend to be driven by strong emotions; (2) people cannot accurately estimate the extent of suffering and/or the level of required support; and (3) minorities' primary networks are too solidified to be connected suitably to the wider network.
Abstract: This paper examines the reasons why many ethnic movements surge in liberal societies—even though these societies are supposed to enable the coexistence of different types of people—and whether it is possible to resolve ethnic conflicts within these societies. Social capital, such as mutual trust, diffusion of information, and social support is used in this discussion, as successful coexistence in a liberal society is only possible when social capital is adequately provided to all people. Since social capital is generated from social networks, minorities want networks that may increase the likelihood that they will attain an adequate level of social capital. They attempt to build such networks by making their cultural symbols recognized by others. Confrontations that result from this kind of movement often cause ethnic conflicts. The key to resolution, then, is whether a broad network can be built, to which all different people are satisfactorily connected. As a result, this paper shows that even though such a resolution is theoretically possible, in reality there are three serious obstacles: (1) people tend to be driven by strong emotions; (2) people cannot accurately estimate the extent of suffering and/or the level of required support; and (3) minorities’ primary networks are too solidified to be connected suitably to the wider network. These findings will contribute to the further argument of what conditions should be met in order to take feasible measures to resolve ethnic conflicts within a liberal society.
9 citations
Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."
...Social differentiation means that each of the spheres has its own particular role, primarily independent of the others (Walzer, 1983; Luhmann, 1995; Luhmann, 2013)....
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...This principle is crucial for the coexistence of different people (Choudhry, 2008, p. 17; Walzer, 1983, p. 19)....
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