Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality
TL;DR: Lawler as mentioned in this paper argued that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament, which is hardly a rational position in the sense that it is suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some.
Abstract: that a plurality of the American Catholic bishops endorse a nuclear freeze (p. 4), saying that they are thus "taking their stance with Moscow,55 which is for a freeze, and not with the Vatican, which "is still in favor of disarmament?not a freeze.55 To make any sense at all, Mr. Lawler must mean that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament? hardly a rational position. One recalls here the arguments, during the 19305s and 19405s, that being for racial justice in the United States was suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some, because the communists also favored it.
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TL;DR: Public journalism has suffered through theoretical critiques, practical diffi culties, fi scal exigencies, professional resistances, and the explosion of new media technologies as discussed by the authors, and it is unsurprising that such a well-organized movement’s theoretical and practical challenges have led to public journalists becoming players in the game who can shape the outcome.
Abstract: As a doctrine and a movement, public journalism has suffered through theoretical critiques, practical diffi culties, fi scal exigencies, professional resistances, and the explosion of new media technologies. Though public journalism has not supported a single defi nition, Jay Rosen, the movements’ most vocal intellectual representative, suggests that public journalists “are not merely chroniclers of the political scene, but players in the game who can (and should) try to shape the outcome” (1992, 8). 1 Hundreds of newspapers and television outlets have taken part in experiments in becoming more “public.” 2 In practice, this has often meant that they convene public forums so that people can voice or form opinions on matters of vital concern, such as the “idea exchanges” of the Wichita Eagle , under the direction of Davis Merritt. 3 The Kettering Foundation, the Knight Foundation, the Poynter Institute for Media Studies, the Pew Center for Civic Journalism, and other institutions supported a number of projects along these lines. It is unsurprising that such a well-organized movement’s theoretical
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12 Aug 2009
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that government approaches to addressing the claims of Aboriginal peoples in Canada are insufficient, and they argue that a more holistic approach that addresses both redistribution and recognition is necessary.
Abstract: In this paper, we argue that government approaches to addressing the claims of Aboriginal peoples in Canada are insufficient. Historically, these approaches have focused on redistribution. At the same time, these approaches have all but ignored recognition. We argue that a more holistic approach that addresses both redistribution and recognition is necessary. Further, we attempt to show that our approach is consistent with the tenets of liberalism. By conceiving of Aboriginal politics as such, the state may be better able to address claims. We begin by providing a theoretical overview of redistribution and recognition, respectively. Then, we proceed to show how redistribution and recognition must work together in an adequate account of justice with respect to Aboriginal peoples in Canada. Finally, we offer a conception of Aboriginal politics that fulfills this desideratum, and integrates the principle of recognition and redistribution in a way that is within the bounds of liberalism.
5 citations
01 Jan 2012
TL;DR: In this article, the sociological relevance of feelings of anger and outrage is discussed, and the extent to which these notions can be usefully applied to gaining insights into the constitution of society.
Abstract: This paper discusses the sociological relevance of feelings of anger and outrage. Relevance in this context means the extent to which these notions can be usefully applied to gaining insights into the constitution of society.
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TL;DR: It was found that it was possible to rank capabilities and that health, social relations, and financial situation were ranked highest by a non-representative sample of researchers and doctoral students from health-related disciplines at five Swedish universities.
Abstract: Introduction
The aim of this study was to rank capabilities and suggest a relevant set of capabilities for the Swedish context to inform the development of capability-adjusted life years (CALYs). CALYs is a quality of life measure for policy making based on the capability approach by Amartya Sen.
Materials and methods
A Swedish governmental review proposed the following 10 relevant capabilities: time, financial situation, mental/physical health, political resources, knowledge, living environment, occupation, social relations, security, and housing. Researchers in health-related disciplines from 5 universities ranked these capabilities from 1 to 10 (most to least important) in a web-based cross-sectional survey; 115 of 171 responses were eligible.
Results
Health, social relations, and financial situation were deemed most important. Stratification by gender, research field, and age group revealed few differences. We found that it was possible to rank capabilities and that health, social relations, and financial situation were ranked highest by a non-representative sample of researchers and doctoral students from health-related disciplines at five Swedish universities.
Conclusions
The revealed ranking is dependent on the metric and must be further explored. The findings support continued development of CALYs for monitoring and evaluating outcomes in public health and social-welfare interventions.
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Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."
..., health) [17] and that agreement can be reached on the relative values of the included capabilities [12]....
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