Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality
TL;DR: Lawler as mentioned in this paper argued that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament, which is hardly a rational position in the sense that it is suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some.
Abstract: that a plurality of the American Catholic bishops endorse a nuclear freeze (p. 4), saying that they are thus "taking their stance with Moscow,55 which is for a freeze, and not with the Vatican, which "is still in favor of disarmament?not a freeze.55 To make any sense at all, Mr. Lawler must mean that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament? hardly a rational position. One recalls here the arguments, during the 19305s and 19405s, that being for racial justice in the United States was suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some, because the communists also favored it.
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TL;DR: The authors examined the claims of liberal nationalists in light of social-psychology literature on groups and self-esteem and found that self-respect and group identity are strongly connected and can lead people to place collective interests above individual interests.
Abstract: Is the self-esteem of individuals tied to their nation? If so, is that a good reason to strive for a world of safe, secure nations? Many liberal nationalists answer yes to these questions, but they do so without looking at the large social-psychology literature on groups and self-esteem. We examine the claims of liberal nationalists in light of this literature. The good news is that self-respectWe use the terms self-respect and self-esteem interchangeably. and group identity are strongly connected and can lead people to place collective interests above individual interests. The bad news is that the liberal-nationalist assumption that low-status groups have little self-respect and majority groups have it in abundance is mistaken. Perhaps most worrisome is the competitive nature of collective self-esteem: people feel better when their group does better than others. This competitiveness can lead to outright hostility when groups compete for resources and political power. Self-esteem is clearly an unstable foundation for a liberal nation. Although we do not think that problems caused by national identity and self-esteem can be fully solved, we do suggest ways in which they can be contained.
111 citations
TL;DR: In a recent discussion of postmodernism, Jurgen Habermas referred to Michel Foucault as a "Young Conservative" as discussed by the authors, an allusion to the "conservative revolutionaries" of interwar Weimar Germany, a group of radical, antimodernist intellectuals whose numbers included Martin Heidegger, Ernst Junger, Carl Schmitt, and Hans Freyer.
Abstract: In a recent (1981) discussion of postmodernism, Jurgen Habermas referred to Michel Foucault as a "Young Conservative." This epithet was an allusion to the "conservative revolutionaries" of interwar Weimar Germany, a group of radical, antimodernist intellectuals whose numbers included Martin Heidegger, Ernst Junger, Carl Schmitt, and Hans Freyer. To call Foucault a "Young Conservative," then, was to accuse him of elaborating what Habermas calls a "total critique of modernity." Such a critique, according to Habermas, is both theoretically paradoxical and politically suspect. It is theoretically paradoxical because it cannot help but presuppose surreptitiously some of the very modern categories and attitudes it claims to have surpassed. And it is politically suspect because it aims less at a dialectical resolution of the problems of modern societies than at a radical rejection of modernity as such. In sum, it is Habermas's (1981, 1982) contention that, although Foucault's critique of contemporary culture and society purports to be postmodern, it is at best modern and at worst antimodern. As Habermas sees it, then, the issue between him and Foucault concerns their respective stances vis-a'-vis modernity. Habermas locates his own stance in the tradition of dialectical social criticism that runs from Marx to the Frankfurt School. This tradition analyzes modernization as a two-sided historical process and insists that, while dissolving premodern forms of domination and unfreedom, Enlightenment rationality gave rise to new and insidious forms of its own. The important thing about this tradition, from Habermas's point of view, and the thing that sets it apart from the rival tradition in which he locates Foucault, is that it does not reject in toto the modern ideals and aspirations whose two-sided actualization it criticizes. Instead it seeks to preserve and extend both the "emancipatory impulse" behind the Enlightenment and the latter's real success in overcoming premodern domination, even while criticizing the bad features of modern societies. This, however, claims Habermas, is not the stance of Foucault. Foucault belongs rather to a tradition of rejectionist criticism of modernity, one which includes Nietzsche, Heidegger, and the French poststructuralists.
103 citations
Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."
...…by John Rawls (1971, 1980) and Gerald Dworkin (1983); antifoundationalist reconstructions of liberalism by Richard Rorty (1983, 1984) and Michael Walzer (1983); antihumanist versions of Marxism inspired by Louis Althusser (1970); and deconstructive reconceptualizations of "the political" by…...
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...It is very much on the current political-philosophical agenda, as can be seen from a wide variety of recent work: for example, analytic accounts of the concept of autonomy by John Rawls (1971, 1980) and Gerald Dworkin (1983); antifoundationalist reconstructions of liberalism by Richard Rorty (1983, 1984) and Michael Walzer (1983); antihumanist versions of Marxism inspired by Louis Althusser (1970); and deconstructive reconceptualizations of "the political" by French philosophers influenced by Derrida (Lacoue-Labarthe and Nancy 1981; Fraser 1984)....
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01 Dec 2003
TL;DR: L'ouvrage presente une vaste fresque du theme que decrit bien son titre, fresque qui s’adresse d'abord aux professionnels de la sante publique as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: L’ouvrage presente une vaste fresque du theme que decrit bien son titre, fresque qui s’adresse d’abord aux professionnels de la sante publique. Rappelons que Raymond Masse a travaille durant de longues annees comme anthropologue au sein des services responsables de la sante publique au Quebec. Cette experience donne a sa demarche une reelle legitimite. Certes, les valeurs et points de vue sur ces questions sont marques par les specificites quebecoises en matiere d’organisation des services de...
100 citations
TL;DR: Examining some possibilities for incorporating vertical equity into health care policy through distributive and/or procedural justice suggests that the idea of fitting John Broome's notion of 'claims' within a communitarian framework holds promise.
98 citations