Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality
TL;DR: Lawler as mentioned in this paper argued that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament, which is hardly a rational position in the sense that it is suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some.
Abstract: that a plurality of the American Catholic bishops endorse a nuclear freeze (p. 4), saying that they are thus "taking their stance with Moscow,55 which is for a freeze, and not with the Vatican, which "is still in favor of disarmament?not a freeze.55 To make any sense at all, Mr. Lawler must mean that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament? hardly a rational position. One recalls here the arguments, during the 19305s and 19405s, that being for racial justice in the United States was suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some, because the communists also favored it.
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TL;DR: The authors provides thumbnail sketches and cross-comparisons among some of the most commonly mentioned political philosophies, so as to help social workers interpret dialogues, understand clients' views, and identify potentially divergent threads in their own political orientations.
Abstract: The neoliberal philosophy that presently dominates social work in America is often accepted by social workers without question; and when it does come into focus, it is commonly treated as the only perspective that could make sense or be ethical. But in fact every philosophy, including neoliberalism, sometimes calls for tough judgments and requires unpleasant commitments. Many social workers may find that an eclectic and dispassionate but informed approach works best in practice. This article provides thumbnail sketches and cross-comparisons among some of the most commonly mentioned political philosophies, so as to help social workers interpret dialogues, understand clients’ views, and identify potentially divergent threads in their own political orientations.
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Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."
...Communitarianism can have a conservative flavor: leading communitarians (that is, MacIntyre, 1984; Sandel, 1982/1998; Taylor, 1989; Walzer, 1983) often treat religion, tradition, and family as central foci of community....
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors survey the legal rules allowing for external acquisition of citizenship in EU countries, and examine three justifications for such rules, namely, the principles of just restitution of citizenship, democratic continuity and national solidarity.
Abstract: Citizenship laws often contain provisions regarding preferential acquisition of citizenship by certain categories of foreigners, such as provisions that allow for the possibility to acquire citizenship without the obligation to reside in the country. The practice of external acquisition of citizenship poses important challenges to the modern paradigmatic view of territorially bounded citizenship. This article surveys the legal rules allowing for external acquisition of citizenship in EU countries, and examines three justifications for such rules, namely, the principles of just restitution of citizenship, democratic continuity and national solidarity. The article argues that the principle of just restitution of citizenship offers the strongest, albeit partial, contextual justification for external acquisition of citizenship.
22 citations
TL;DR: In the last three decades, neoliberalism has come to dominate most of the West, reshaping many institutions according to its ideological belief in markets as the optimal form of regulation of social and economic life.
Abstract: In the last three decades, neoliberalism has come to dominate most of the West, reshaping many institutions according to its ideological belief in markets as the optimal form of regulation of social and economic life Whereas formerly market ideology was contested by collectivist ideas of the public good, at this point of its triumph there is little systemic opposition to it Does psychoanalysis have distinctive insights to offer on neoliberalism, and if so, can they contribute to contesting its domination? Two starting points for such a critique are the relational ideas that are the foundations of psychoanalytic object-relations approaches, and the post-Kleinian theory of narcissism Neoliberalism is engaged in the remaking of identities and subjectivities in individualist terms, and psychoanalytic ideas provide a resource for contesting its conception of human nature
22 citations
Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."
...Neoliberalism; Kilburn Manifesto; object-relations theory; narcissism Belonging to oneself alone: the spirit of neoliberalism Michael Rustin The purpose of this article is to consider whether psychoanalytic ways of thinking can contribute to the understanding of neoliberalism....
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...Writers such as Michael Walzer (1983), Arthur Okun (1975) and Michael Sandel (2012) have taken note of the ‘blocked exchanges’ which have curtailed the scope of market systems in many societies - the purchase of slaves, citizenship, public offices, children, and body-parts, for example, are now usually forbidden by law, although there are situations in which the power of wealth allows these prohibitions to be evaded....
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...This reform is being pursued with the pretence that its main goal is to benefit working class under-achievers, when its real intention and effect is to allow the reintroduction of covert pupil selection and to protect 5 Michael Sandel’s 2012 book Money Can’t Buy: the Moral Limits of Markets, gives many examples of the encroachment of the market in spheres where allocations were formerly made according to principles of equality or need....
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...Writers such as Michael Walzer (1983), Arthur Okun (1975) and Michael Sandel (2012) have taken note of the ‘blocked exchanges’ which have curtailed the scope of market systems in many societies - the purchase of slaves, citizenship, public offices, children, and body-parts, for example, are now…...
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...8 There is a substantial literature about this, for example Richard Hoggart’s The Uses of Literacy (1957) Michael Young and Peter Willmott’s Family and Kinship in East London (1957), and Brian Jackson’s Working Class Community (1968)....
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01 Jan 1999
TL;DR: Civic education needs to start from the values and associated institu- tional practices and civic virtues of liberal democracy as discussed by the authors, and it is argued that the fostering of civic virtues can and should begin in the first school, primarily through its organisation and ethos.
Abstract: Citizenship education needs to start from the values and associated institu- tional practices and civic virtues of liberal democracy. Citizens need political knowledge and skills but they also need to be certain sorts of people, to exercise civic virtues. The view that civic virtues are unnecessary in a democracy is considered and rejected, as is the view that civic education should not begin in the first school. It is argued that the fostering of civic virtues can and should begin in the first school, primarily through its organisation and ethos. For it to do so, however, attention needs to be devoted to it in teacher education. Democrats are made, not born. I do not know of any serious challenge to the view that people have to be educated for democracy. Yet it is a view that has been barely recognised, as yet, in formal schooling arrangements in the UK. Education for democ- racy does not figure amongst the aims of the National Curriculum or amongst its required subjects. Education for citizenship made an appearance in 1988 as one of the cross-curricular themes which were intended to run in parallel with the subjects but in practice became widely neglected. In 1993, a National Curriculum Council document, Spiritual and Moral Development: a discussion paper, had nothing to say about citizenship. In 1996 the School Curriculum and Assessment Authority (SCAA, later the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, QCA) established the National Forum for Values in Education and the Community and it, at least, broached the topic of citizenship. Its consultation document lists values and principles for action under four headings, 'Relationships', 'The Self, 'The Environment' and 'Society', and the princi- ples for action under 'Society' include 'understand our responsibilities as citizens' and 'promote participation in our democracy'. Citizenship is thus on the pedagogical map but by an instructively wrong route-for the Forum established its allegedly shared common values by a process of consensus rather narrowly interpreted, as the document makes clear. Consensus on values does not include consensus on their source (e.g. God or human nature) or their application (e.g. 'promote participation in our democracy' may mean encourage more people to vote in general elections or it may mean more than that). Again, as the document makes clear, the shared values may well not be the most important values in the lives of individuals. These may be values not shared with others, e.g religious and cultural values. There are other problems with the Forum's
22 citations
TL;DR: This paper argued that human rights possess international legal significance not because they correspond to abstract conceptions of what it means to be human but because they monitor the distributive justice of the structure and operation of the international legal order itself.
Abstract: The standard normative account of international human rights law is that its overarching mission is to protect universal features of what it means to be a human being from the exercise of sovereign power. This article offers an alternative account of the field, one that locates its normative dimensions in its capacity to speak to distributive injustices produced by how international law brings legal order to international political reality. On this account, human rights possess international legal significance not because they correspond to abstract conceptions of what it means to be human but because they monitor the distributive justice of the structure and operation of the international legal order itself. This account both draws on and departs from cosmopolitan conceptions of distributive justice in contemporary international political theory. It sheds normative light on why some human rights merit international legal protection despite the fact that they might lack some of the properties required by a universal account of the field. It illustrates these claims by describing how indigenous rights, minority rights, and rights to international cooperation and assistance mitigate some of the adverse consequences of how international law distributes sovereign power among a variety of legal actors it recognizes as states.
22 citations