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Journal ArticleDOI

Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality

01 Jan 1985-The Philosophical Review (Basil Blackwell)-Vol. 83, Iss: 1, pp 142
TL;DR: Lawler as mentioned in this paper argued that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament, which is hardly a rational position in the sense that it is suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some.
Abstract: that a plurality of the American Catholic bishops endorse a nuclear freeze (p. 4), saying that they are thus "taking their stance with Moscow,55 which is for a freeze, and not with the Vatican, which "is still in favor of disarmament?not a freeze.55 To make any sense at all, Mr. Lawler must mean that being for the freeze means that one is not for disarmament? hardly a rational position. One recalls here the arguments, during the 19305s and 19405s, that being for racial justice in the United States was suspect if not immoral, in the eyes of some, because the communists also favored it.
Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose a non-domination as a benchmark for assessing the justifiability of unequal residence statuses for non-nationals in liberal democracies, which has advantages over the principles of equality and rights alike in accommodating both the inclusive and exclusive logics of liberal democratic citizenship.
Abstract: I propose a principle of non-domination as a benchmark for assessing the justifiability of unequal residence statuses for non-nationals in liberal democracies. This has advantages over the principles of equality and rights alike, in accommodating both the inclusive and exclusive logics of liberal democratic citizenship. Non-domination requires the state to grant upon first admission a degree of inclusion in the social privileges of citizenship that is sufficient to guard against the most severe forms of domination in social relationships. However, as resident non-nationals become more permanent and come to be in relationships open to other, if less severe forms of domination, it requires gradually increasing the degree of inclusion, over time, to protect non-nationals against these forms of domination also, and, finally, eventually giving them access to the sites of political decision-making that contribute to shaping the background conditions for independent action in social relationships.

17 citations


Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."

  • ...…skip the question of which rights resident non-nationals should enjoy on their way to full inclusion, and focus instead on the question of when and why resident non-nationals should be granted full citizenship (e.g. Walzer 1983, Carens 1989, 2010, Smith 2008, Seglow 2009, Shachar 2009, Cohen 2010)....

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  • ...And an indefinite exclusion of resident non-nationals from participating in political activity is incompatible with the internal logic of democratic citizenship (on this last point, see Walzer 1983, ch. 2)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose a framework that links international strategy and international ethics, and apply the framework to two business situations and demonstrate the potential descriptive and prescriptive value of the framework.
Abstract: A6stract: Scholars have developed many theories of international strategy and many theories of international ethics. Separating strategy and ethics in this way, though, perpetuates a perception that profit and ethics are mutually exclusive. Accordingly, I offer a framework that links international strategy and international ethics. I suggest that at an abstract level the strategic concepts of integration and re sponsiveness and the ethical concepts of justice and caring are concerned with the same theoretical quandaries. Therefore, in any situation there are behaviors that are both integrative and just and/ or both responsive and caring, and these behaviors are both strategic and ethical. To demonstrate the potential descriptive and prescriptive value of the framework, I descend the ladders of abw straction associated with these concepts and apply the framework to two business situations. \ /[anagers operating in international arenas face two objectives. First, they lVlare expected to make a profit for the owners of the company (Friedman 1962). Second, they are expected to conduct their business in accordance with accepted norms of behavior to act in an ethically responsible manner toward non-owner stakeholders (Freeman 1984). Naturally, scholars are aware of these objectives, and over the years two distinct management fields, international strategy and international ethics, have emerged to address each of these goals. However, considering each of these objectives independent of the other has several consequences, most notable of which is the perpetuation of stereotypes about the incompatibility of making money and acting ethically. With the exception of the stakeholder approach, no scholarly work has been able to provide a framework for effectively understanding how managers can possibly meet both of these objectives at the same time. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to offer a framework that conceptualizes the central issues of both international strategy and international ethics in a meaningful way. In order to do so, I will focus high on the ladders of abstraction in both fields to suggest that two sets of concepts, one from strategy and one from ethics, are theoretically concerned with the same fundamental issues and therefore facilitate concurrent consideration. More specifically, I will suggest

17 citations


Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."

  • ...The justice of systems refers to how institutions and societies should be constructed (e.g., Rawls 1971), and justice for the individual is concerned with what is fair in the lives of common individuals (Walzer 1983)....

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  • ..., Rawls 1971), and justice for the individual is concerned with what is fair in the lives of common individuals (Walzer 1983)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Action learning has evolved over a period of time when managerialism and performativity, which are aspects of neoliberalism, have become stronger and this explains, in part, the emergence of Critic...
Abstract: Action learning has evolved over a period of time when managerialism and performativity, which are aspects of neoliberalism, have become stronger and this explains, in part, the emergence of Critic...

17 citations


Cites background from "Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pl..."

  • ...What is happening seems to be a reshaping of ‘deep’ social relations (Leys 2001) which involve the subordination of moral obligations to economic ones (Walzer 1984) – a form of ‘governance at a distance’ and a means of getting people to govern themselves within a set of completely neoliberal…...

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  • ...subordination of moral obligations to economic ones (Walzer 1984) – a form of ‘governance at a distance’ and a means of getting people to govern themselves within a set of completely neoliberal assumptions (Rose 1989)....

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Posted ContentDOI
TL;DR: In this article, it is argued that a decisive problem of political and economic modernization in Russia is that bureaucrats face soft external and internal constraints, which transforms their mental models into a hard constraint of reforms and prevent them from putting limits on the rulers' discretion.
Abstract: Modernity is usually thought as a complex society with clearly differentiated spheres of everyday life. It means, in particular, that economic rules do not interfere with the norms structuring political, social, scientific and other interactions. The complex, differentiated society sharply contrasts with a ?small? and homogeneous ?pre-modern? society. The process of modernization, i.e. differentiation of the spheres of everyday life, can take various forms. In an advanced country it relies on internal forces. Modernization in this context looks like an evolutionary, ?bottom-up? development. In a backward country (Russia and Germany in the first half of the 20th century), modernization requires a strong governmental (from the top to the bottom) intervention. Invidious comparison with more advanced and successful countries makes the state officials in backward countries accept the way of reforms. Due to the lack of the internal forces leading to an evolutionary rise of modernity, the state officials refer to the Western experience and know-how. Consequently, a ?catch-up? modernization naturally transforms into ?Westernization?, the transfer of Western institutions to backward countries. As the title suggests, the paper deals with the institutional problems of such a transfer of institutions, and with the constraints, imposed on the key actors of this process, the political elite. It will be argued, that a decisive problem of political and economic modernization in Russia is that bureaucrats face soft external and internal constraints. An absolute imperative consists in institutional congruence, or the ?elective affinity?, between the models of power relationships on which imported and traditional institutions are based. Only a passive role in carrying out reforms is reserved for non-governmental actors, which transforms their mental models into a hard constraint of reforms and prevent them from putting limits on the rulers? discretion. Consequently, there is a high risk of the transformation of modernization policies into a mechanism of the reproduction of imposed power.

16 citations