The archaeology of knowledge
Citations
474 citations
Cites background from "The archaeology of knowledge"
..., Hirst, 2004; Nespor, 1994, 1997; Willis, 1977) reads the location, control, and regionalization of (children’s) bodies in school as discursive ordering (Foucault, 1979). In Nespor’s (1997) ethnography of fourth graders at an urban elementary school in Roanoke, Virginia, he offers a critically complex assessment of children’s bodies in school spaces. Much of the ethnography disrupts the notion of field “site”; hence, giving site-based “background” information to the study is problematic at best. Yet, across two years of ethnographic work, Nespor describes how “Thurber Elementary” was located and constituted at an intersection of community and city politics, how neighborhoods regionalized children’s experiences, offering children in the “same” school very different experiences of the school, and how flows of popular culture and commercialism were powerfully present in children’s experiences of social space. Nespor (1997) considers how schooling is involved in the process of abstracting children from social space and from their own bodies. Drawing from Lefebvre (1991), he traces how “people’s actual ways of moving through the world” (Lefebvre’s “spaces of the body”) are replaced through schooling with “the body rendered as a visual display or text readable to an outsider’s gaze” (Lefebvre’s “body in space”; p. 121). Through control and disciplining of the body in classroom management and other school practices (e.g., single file lines, sitting quietly for long periods of time without moving, regulating the bowels and bladders, p. 128), children undergo a transformation through which “the body ceases to be acknowledged as a tool for mediating relations with the world” (p. 122). The emphasis on the abstracted body is also supported, Nespor argues, through school practices that emphasize written texts and media representations (p. 122). Because of such regulation and abstraction, children’s bodies become all the more salient for both teachers and children to interpret in raced, classed, and gendered ways, and exuberant childlike activity (e.g., chase games) become all the more marked as unschooled through social identity construction. Nespor (1997) raised a number of issues concerning the schooled body and learning in place that are still largely untapped in educational research. In particular, for questions of equity and learning, we might consider how the abstraction of the body in schooled practices and discourses is not “applied” evenly across children: When the body becomes an abstracted site of display over and against a living, engaging body, then dominant power relations and identities of gender, race, class, and other forms of identity have occasion to be reinstantiated. In this manner, conventional practices of abstraction involving bodies are not merely a question of the development of mind, as strong-text theorists (e.g., where literacy is associated with the unique demands of alphabetical writing and the learning of forms of abstraction) such as Ong (1982) would argue, but may well be productive of inequitable opportunities to...
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...By “dominant discourse” we intend that the classroom-as-container constructs not only particular ways of speaking and writing in educational research, but also systems of rules concerning how meaning is made (Foucault, 1972)....
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..., Hirst, 2004; Nespor, 1994, 1997; Willis, 1977) reads the location, control, and regionalization of (children’s) bodies in school as discursive ordering (Foucault, 1979). In Nespor’s (1997) ethnography of fourth graders at an urban elementary school in Roanoke, Virginia, he offers a critically complex assessment of children’s bodies in school spaces. Much of the ethnography disrupts the notion of field “site”; hence, giving site-based “background” information to the study is problematic at best. Yet, across two years of ethnographic work, Nespor describes how “Thurber Elementary” was located and constituted at an intersection of community and city politics, how neighborhoods regionalized children’s experiences, offering children in the “same” school very different experiences of the school, and how flows of popular culture and commercialism were powerfully present in children’s experiences of social space. Nespor (1997) considers how schooling is involved in the process of abstracting children from social space and from their own bodies. Drawing from Lefebvre (1991), he traces how “people’s actual ways of moving through the world” (Lefebvre’s “spaces of the body”) are replaced through schooling with “the body rendered as a visual display or text readable to an outsider’s gaze” (Lefebvre’s “body in space”; p....
[...]
..., Hirst, 2004; Nespor, 1994, 1997; Willis, 1977) reads the location, control, and regionalization of (children’s) bodies in school as discursive ordering (Foucault, 1979). In Nespor’s (1997) ethnography of fourth graders at an urban elementary school in Roanoke, Virginia, he offers a critically complex assessment of children’s bodies in school spaces....
[...]
..., Hirst, 2004; Nespor, 1994, 1997; Willis, 1977) reads the location, control, and regionalization of (children’s) bodies in school as discursive ordering (Foucault, 1979). In Nespor’s (1997) ethnography of fourth graders at an urban elementary school in Roanoke, Virginia, he offers a critically complex assessment of children’s bodies in school spaces. Much of the ethnography disrupts the notion of field “site”; hence, giving site-based “background” information to the study is problematic at best. Yet, across two years of ethnographic work, Nespor describes how “Thurber Elementary” was located and constituted at an intersection of community and city politics, how neighborhoods regionalized children’s experiences, offering children in the “same” school very different experiences of the school, and how flows of popular culture and commercialism were powerfully present in children’s experiences of social space. Nespor (1997) considers how schooling is involved in the process of abstracting children from social space and from their own bodies. Drawing from Lefebvre (1991), he traces how “people’s actual ways of moving through the world” (Lefebvre’s “spaces of the body”) are replaced through schooling with “the body rendered as a visual display or text readable to an outsider’s gaze” (Lefebvre’s “body in space”; p. 121). Through control and disciplining of the body in classroom management and other school practices (e.g., single file lines, sitting quietly for long periods of time without moving, regulating the bowels and bladders, p. 128), children undergo a transformation through which “the body ceases to be acknowledged as a tool for mediating relations with the world” (p. 122). The emphasis on the abstracted body is also supported, Nespor argues, through school practices that emphasize written texts and media representations (p. 122). Because of such regulation and abstraction, children’s bodies become all the more salient for both teachers and children to interpret in raced, classed, and gendered ways, and exuberant childlike activity (e.g., chase games) become all the more marked as unschooled through social identity construction. Nespor (1997) raised a number of issues concerning the schooled body and learning in place that are still largely untapped in educational research....
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466 citations
461 citations
Cites background from "The archaeology of knowledge"
...The more so because the narrative metaparadigm draws adherents from a range of traditions, such as structuralism (Barthes, 1977), post-structuralism (Foucault, 1972), critical theory (Habermas, 1984), postanalytic philosophy (MacIntyre, 1981) and hermeneutics (Gadamer, 1982), mirroring the…...
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References
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