The archaeology of knowledge
01 Sep 1989-pp 227-260
TL;DR: We may not be able to make you love reading, but archaeology of knowledge will lead you to love reading starting from now as mentioned in this paper, and book is the window to open the new world.
Abstract: We may not be able to make you love reading, but archaeology of knowledge will lead you to love reading starting from now. Book is the window to open the new world. The world that you want is in the better stage and level. World will always guide you to even the prestige stage of the life. You know, this is some of how reading will give you the kindness. In this case, more books you read more knowledge you know, but it can mean also the bore is full.
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Book•
18 Jul 2003
TL;DR: Part 1: Social Analysis, Discourse Analysis, Text Analysis 1. Introduction 2. Texts, Social Events, and Social Practices 3. Intertextuality and Assumptions Part 2: Genres and Action 4. Genres 5. Meaning Relations between Sentences and Clauses 6. Discourses 8. Representations of Social Events Part 4: Styles and Identities 9. Modality and Evaluation 11. Conclusion
Abstract: Part 1: Social Analysis, Discourse Analysis, Text Analysis 1. Introduction 2. Texts, Social Events, and Social Practices 3. Intertextuality and Assumptions Part 2: Genres and Action 4. Genres 5. Meaning Relations between Sentences and Clauses 6. Types of Exchange, Speech Functions, and Grammatical Mood Part 3: Discourses and Representations 7. Discourses 8. Representations of Social Events Part 4: Styles and Identities 9. Styles 10. Modality and Evaluation 11. Conclusion
6,407 citations
TL;DR: A set of principles for the conduct and evaluation of interpretive field research in information systems is proposed, along with their philosophical rationale, and the usefulness of the principles is illustrated by evaluating three publishedinterpretive field studies drawn from the IS research literature.
Abstract: This article discusses the conduct and evaluatoin of interpretive research in information systems. While the conventions for evaluating information systems case studies conducted according to the natural science model of social science are now widely accepted, this is not the case for interpretive field studies. A set of principles for the conduct and evaluation of interpretive field research in information systems is proposed, along with their philosophical rationale. The usefulness of the principles is illustrated by evaluating three published interpretive field studies drawn from the IS research literature. The intention of the paper is to further reflect and debate on the important subject of grounding interpretive research methodology.
5,588 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1999
TL;DR: In Sorting Things Out, Bowker and Star as mentioned in this paper explore the role of categories and standards in shaping the modern world and examine how categories are made and kept invisible, and how people can change this invisibility when necessary.
Abstract: What do a seventeenth-century mortality table (whose causes of death include "fainted in a bath," "frighted," and "itch"); the identification of South Africans during apartheid as European, Asian, colored, or black; and the separation of machine- from hand-washables have in common? All are examples of classification -- the scaffolding of information infrastructures. In Sorting Things Out, Geoffrey C. Bowker and Susan Leigh Star explore the role of categories and standards in shaping the modern world. In a clear and lively style, they investigate a variety of classification systems, including the International Classification of Diseases, the Nursing Interventions Classification, race classification under apartheid in South Africa, and the classification of viruses and of tuberculosis. The authors emphasize the role of invisibility in the process by which classification orders human interaction. They examine how categories are made and kept invisible, and how people can change this invisibility when necessary. They also explore systems of classification as part of the built information environment. Much as an urban historian would review highway permits and zoning decisions to tell a city's story, the authors review archives of classification design to understand how decisions have been made. Sorting Things Out has a moral agenda, for each standard and category valorizes some point of view and silences another. Standards and classifications produce advantage or suffering. Jobs are made and lost; some regions benefit at the expense of others. How these choices are made and how we think about that process are at the moral and political core of this work. The book is an important empirical source for understanding the building of information infrastructures.
4,480 citations
TL;DR: In this article, two such metaphors are identified: the acquisition metaphor and the participation metaphor, and their entailments are discussed and evaluated, and the question of theoretical unification of research on learning is addressed, wherein the purpose is to show how too great a devotion to one particular metaphor can lead to theoretical distortions and to undesirable practices.
Abstract: This article is a sequel to the conversation on learning initiated by the editors of Educational Researcher in volume 25, number 4. The author’s first aim is to elicit the metaphors for learning that guide our work as learners, teachers, and researchers. Two such metaphors are identified: the acquisition metaphor and the participation metaphor. Subsequently, their entailments are discussed and evaluated. Although some of the implications are deemed desirable and others are regarded as harmful, the article neither speaks against a particular metaphor nor tries to make a case for the other. Rather, these interpretations and applications of the metaphors undergo critical evaluation. In the end, the question of theoretical unification of the research on learning is addressed, wherein the purpose is to show how too great a devotion to one particular metaphor can lead to theoretical distortions and to undesirable practices.
3,660 citations
Cites background from "The archaeology of knowledge"
...The theory of situated learning (Brown, Collins, & Duguid, 1989; Lave, 1988; Lave & Wenger, 1991), the discursive paradigm (Edwards & Potter, 1992; Foucault, 1972; Harre & Gillet, 1995), and the theory of distributed cognition (Salomon, 1993) are probably the best developed among them....
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...The theory of situated learning (Brown, Collins & Duguid, 1989; Lave, 1988; Lave & Wenger, 1991), the discursive paradigm (Edwards & Potter, 1992; Foucault, 1972; Harre & Gillet, 1995), and the theory of distributed cognition (Salomon, 1993) are probably the best developed among them....
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Journal Article•
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors combine the evolutionary perspective in economics with the reflexive turn from sociology to provide a richer understanding of how knowledge-based systems of innovation are shaped and reconstructed, whereas the institutional arrangements (e.g., national systems) can be expected to remain under reconstruction.
Abstract: The (neo-)evolutionary model of a Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations focuses on the overlay of expectations, communications, and interactions that potentially feed back on the institutional arrangements among the carrying agencies. From this perspective, the evolutionary perspective in economics can be complemented with the reflexive turn from sociology. The combination provides a richer understanding of how knowledge-based systems of innovation are shaped and reconstructed. The communicative capacities of the carrying agents become crucial to the system's further development, whereas the institutional arrangements (e.g., national systems) can be expected to remain under reconstruction. The tension of the differentiation no longer needs to be resolved, since the network configurations are reproduced by means of translations among historically changing codes. Some methodological and epistemological implications for studying innovation systems are explicated.
1,615 citations
References
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19 Nov 2015
TL;DR: This chapter focuses on one of the key processes in the ‘cultural circuit’ – the practices of representation – and draws a distinction between three different accounts or theories: the reflective, the intentional and the constructionist approaches to representation.
Abstract: In this chapter we will be concentrating on one of the key processes in the ‘cultural circuit’ (see Du Gay et al., 1997, and the Introduction to this volume) – the practices of representation. The aim of this chapter is to introduce you to this topic, and to explain what it is about and why we give it such importance in cultural studies. The concept of representation has come to occupy a new and important place in the study of culture. Representation connects meaning and language to culture. But what exactly do people mean by it? What does representation have to do with culture and meaning? One common-sense usage of the term is as follows: ‘Representation means using language to say something meaningful about, or to represent, the world meaningfully, to other people.’ You may well ask, ‘Is that all?’ Well, yes and no. Representation is an essential part of the process by which meaning is produced and exchanged between members of a culture. It does involve the use of language, of signs and images which stand for or represent things. But this is a far from simple or straightforward process, as you will soon discover. How does the concept of representation connect meaning and language to culture? In order to explore this connection further, we will look at a number of different theories about how language is used to represent the world. Here we will be drawing a distinction between three different accounts or theories: the reflective, the intentional and the constructionist approaches to representation. Does language simply reflect a meaning which already exists out there in the world of objects, people and events (reflective)? Does language express only what the speaker or writer or painter wants to say, his or her personally intended meaning (intentional)? Or is meaning constructed in and through language (constructionist)? You will learn more in a moment about these three approaches. Most of the chapter will be spent exploring the constructionist approach, because it is this perspective which has had the most significant impact on cultural studies in recent years. This CHAPTER ONE
1,002 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present an analysis of the online sharing economy discourse, identifying that the sharing economy is framed as an economic opportunity; a more sustainable form of consumption; a pathway to a decentralised, equitable and sustainable economy; creating unregulated marketplaces; reinforcing the neoliberal paradigm; and, an incoherent field of innovation.
973 citations
TL;DR: The authors examines translation dilemmas in qualitative research and explores three questions: whether methodologically it matters if the act of translation matters, and whether it is worth the effort of translation.
Abstract: The focus of this article is an examination of translation dilemmas in qualitative research. Specifically it explores three questions: whether methodologically it matters if the act of translation ...
937 citations
TL;DR: This article examined the theoretical implications of the observation that ethnic identities are socially constructed for explaining ethnic violence, distinguishing between two classes of mechanisms: individuals are viewed as the agents who construct identities, and constructivist explanations for ethnic violence tend to merge with analyses that stress strategic action by both elites and mass publics.
Abstract: We examine the theoretical implications of the observation that ethnic identities are socially constructed for explaining ethnic violence, distinguishing between two classes of mechanisms. If individuals are viewed as the agents who construct identities, then constructivist explanations for ethnic violence tend to merge with analyses that stress strategic action by both elites and mass publics. In contrast, if discursive formations are the agents that construct ethnic identities, then constructivist explanations tend to merge with accounts that stress internal logics of specific cultures. Using the books under review as a “sample,” we find considerable evidence linking strategic aspects of ethnic identity construction to violence and more limited evidence implicating discursive systems. The most common narrative in these texts has largescale ethnic violence provoked by elites, often motivated by intra-ethnic conflicts. Followers follow, despite the costs, out of increased fear of thugs and armies “let go” by elites (both the other side's and their “own”) and often in pursuit of local grievances that may have little ethnic component. Several other mechanisms are also discussed, including the role of discursive systems in conditioning publics for violence and the role of violent efforts to enforce “everyday primordialism” by policing supposedly primordial ethnic boundaries.
900 citations
TL;DR: Scheper-Hughes as mentioned in this paper argued that cultural relativism is no longer appropriate to the world in which we live, and anthropology, if it is to be worth anything at all, must be ethically grounded.
Abstract: CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 36, Number 3, June r995 ttl 1995 by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. All rights reserved oo32041~5136o3·ooo3S2..oo The Primacy of the Ethical Propositions for a Militant Anthropology! by Nancy Scheper-Hughes In bracketing certain Western Enlightenment truths we hold and defend as self-evident at home in order to engage theoreti cally a multiplicity of alternative truths encoded in our reified notion of culture, anthropologists may be suspending the ethi· cal in our dealings with the other. Cultural relativism, read as moral relativism, is no longer appropriate to the world in which we live, and anthropology, if it is to be worth anything at all, must be ethically grounded. This paper is an attempt to imag ine what forms a politically committed and morally engaged an· thropology might take. NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES is Professor of Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley (Berkeley, Calif. 94720, U.S.A.). Born in 1944, she was educated at Berkeley (Ph.D., 19761. She has taught at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, at Southern Methodist University, at the University of Cape Town, and at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris. Her research interests include the application of critical theory to medicine and psychiatry, the anthropology of the body, illness, and suffering, the political economy of the emo tions, and violence and terror. Among her publications are Saints, Scholars, and Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ire land (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1979l, the edited volume Child Survival: Anthropological Per spectives on the Treatment and Maltreatment of Children [Dor drecht: D. Reidel, 1987), and Death Without Weeping (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992l. The pres ent paper was submitted in final form 25 x 94. I. This paper was originally presented as a keynote address at the Israel Anthropological Association Meetings, Tel Aviv University, on March 23, 1994, where the conference theme was Politically Committed Anthropology. On my return to South Afriea I pre sented the paper to my colleagues at the Department of Social Anthropology, University of Cape Town, on May 13, 1994, where it achieved a certain notoriety and generated a strong response, aspects of which have worked their way into this revision. In No vember r994 parts of this paper were read at the AAA symposium Rethinking the Cultural: Beyond Intellectual Imperialisms and Parochialisms of the Past (see Winkler 1994:AI8). I am grateful to my Israeli, South African, and North American colleagues for their contributions and criticisms. Finally, at a crucial moment in my failed attempts to make sense of the useless suffering of the multitudes of Northeast Brazilian angel-babies, T. M. S. Evens introduccd me to certain key writings of Emmanuel Levinas [1986}. Although I originally rejected these with the vehemence of the For much of this century cultural anthropology has been concerned with divergent rationalities, with explaining how and why various cultural others thought, reasoned, and lived-in-the-world as they did. Classical anthropo logical thinking and practice are best exemplified, per~ haps, in the ~reat witchcraft and rationality debates of decades past. Ideally, modernist cultural anthropology liberated truth from its unexamined Eurocentric and Orientalist presuppositions. But the world, the objects of our study, and consequently, the uses of anthropology have changed considerably. Exploring the cultural logic of witchcraft is one thing. Documenting, as I am now, the burning or necklacing of accused witches, politi~ cal collaborators, and other ne'er-do~wells in belea guered South African townships-where a daily toll of charred bodies is a standard feature of news re ports-is another. 3 A more womanly-hearted anthropol ogy might be concerned not only with how humans think but with how they behave toward each other, thus engaging directly with questions of ethics and power. In South African squatter camps as in the AIDS sana toria of Cuba and in the parched lands of Northeast Bra zil, I have stumbled on a central dilemma and challenge to cuIrural anthropology, one that has tripped up many a fieldworker before me (for example, Renata Rosaldo [r989:r-2rl in his encounters with Ilongot headhunt ers): In bracketing certain Western Enlightenment truths we hold and defend as self-evident at home in order to engage theoretically with a multiplicity of alter native truths encoded in our reiRed notion of culture, anthropologists may be suspending the ethical (Buber 1952:147-56) in our dealings with the ((other, espe cially those whose vulnerable bodies and fragile lives are at stake. Moreover, what stake can anthropologists expect to have in current political debates in rapidly de mocratizing nations in Eastern Europe, Latin America, and Africa where newly drafted constitutions and bills of rights-and those of Brazil and South Africa are exem unreflexive cultural relativist, Levinas's notion of a pre-cultural moral repugnance toward unnecessary human suffering came back to haunt me with a vengeance, along with the specter of three-year old Mercea, who died abandoned by both her mother and her an thropologist during Brazilian Carnival celebrations in 1989. 2. Excellent reviews of these debates in anthropology can be found in Mohanty (1989), Hollis and Lukes (1982J, Wilson (1985), and Tambiah (1990J. 3- Here is how the death of suspected police collaborators and witchcs is described in the local white newspaper in Cape Town (my emphasis): Dozen Bodies Removed from Guguletu in Week end Casualties ; The charred bodies of seven people, including a 50 year old woman and her teenage daughter, were found in Tho koza hostel and Katlehong on Friday. . The burned and blackened bodies of two young men were found at the Mandela squatter camp in Thokoza and another body at Katlehong railway station (Cape Times, September 1993); Another 40 bodies found on the East Rand ; finally, Charred bodies of two witches found in Nyanga (Argus, January 21, 1994l. The women accused of witchcraft had been bound together with rope and were badly burnt. While white deaths counted -as, for example, in the extensive and personal coverage of the white victims of the St. James Church massacre in Cape Town in late July r994-the black victims of township violence were merely counted, recorded as body counts.
889 citations