The Body As Wartime Terrain: Social Control and Female Sexuality Under Military Occupation
01 Jan 2013-
About: The article was published on 2013-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 9 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Human sexuality & Social control.
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1,324 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the body and society explorations in social theory are used as a good way to achieve details about operating certain products and to obtain a user's guide to operating them.
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438 citations
107 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: The French Imperial Nation-State: Negritude and Colonial Humanism between the Two World Wars by as mentioned in this paper explores the coexisting, seemingly contradictory notions of particularism and universalism as they apply to colonial humanism and negritude, attempting to work through the dualities that defined Greater France, as opposed to interpreting them independently.
Abstract: The French Imperial Nation-State: Negritude and Colonial Humanism between the Two World Wars. By Gary Wilder. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2005. ISBN 0-226-89768-0.404 pp. $25.00 paper. For all those concerned with the intersection of colonization, identity, and culture, Gary Wilder's interdisciplinary analysis of politics and poetry, The French Imperial Nation-State: Negritude and Colonial Humanism between the two World Wars, offers fascinating conclusions based on a volatile point in modern history. The book explores the coexisting, seemingly contradictory notions of particularism and universalism as they apply to colonial humanism and Negritude, attempting to "work through" the dualities that defined Greater France, as opposed to interpreting them independently. Relying heavily on the theories of Marx, Foucault, and Ardent, Wilder's view of the interwar period is justified through a logical intersection of political, economic, and literary notions. Organized into three parts, Wilder's argument in The French Imperial Nation-State flows naturally from one chapter to the next, but is still written so that individual parts or chapters may be read in isolation by scholars familiar with the historical time period. However, those lacking knowledge of the interwar period as well as political and/or literary theory would find the first part an indispensable aid, given the depth and complexity of the topic. In the first part of the book, "The Imperial Nation-State," Wilder outlines his theory in two chapters. While the first, "Introduction: Working through the Imperial NationState," lays the theoretical background, the second, "Framing Greater France: A Real Abstraction," particularizes the theory through historical evidence and proves the imperial nation-state possible. At first glance, an imperial nation-state seems a semantic contradiction, but the author ultimately shows how this characterization is truly the most accurate description of the situation. Wilder begins by demonstrating how narrower interpretations of the French colonies and the metropole fall short of completeness by ignoring or negating those conclusions that would appear contradictory. Following the Kantian notion of antinomy and the Marxist "doubled character of capitalist modernity," Wilder concludes that if capital can become both universal and particular, then a republic based on that capitalist workforce may reflect that dualism. He combines this with Ardent's model of the nation-state that asserts that colonial republics ultimately destroy themselves by eradicating the line between national citizens and foreigners, thus replacing the concept of national identity with the notion of race/ethnicity. Therefore, the nation-state could then be analyzed in terms of "successive crises of universalism that were provisionally stabilized and then displaced unto other domains" (p. 15). The struggle for membership simply evolved from one arena to the next - from the most basic, "the people," to the most general, "the empire" -all the while remaining the same essential conflict (p. 15). Recalling Foucault, Wilder insists that the reader pause to consider this model not through the lens of the present day, but rather in its context. Thus, contextualizing the theory of the existence of the dualistic, imperial nation-state is the objective of chapter two. Wilder uses the concrete evidence found in the political proposals of the Third Republic, particularly those of Albert Sarraut and Robert Delavignette, to assert the desire of French citizens to be members of a "Greater France"-a large, multinational nation-state sharing a single national entity which was at once both characterized and undermined by its diversity. More interestingly, he cites the 1931 International Colonial Exposition in Paris as both the abstract and concrete manifestation of the imperial nation-state form and all of the dualities and complexities it represents. …
90 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a body and pleasures foucault and the politics of sexual normalization book that can be ordered directly from Amazon.com. This is it the book that you can receive directly after purchasing.
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70 citations
References
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TL;DR: This paper explored the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color and found that the experiences of women of colour are often the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism.
Abstract: Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of people of color and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development. The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination-that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example, is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of political empowerment and social reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite- that it frequently conflates or ignores intra group differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring differences within groups frequently contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that frustrates efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color' have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Al-though racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as "woman" or "person of color" as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective here is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color. Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. Focusing on two dimensions of male violence against women-battering and rape-I consider how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism... Language: en
15,236 citations
01 Jan 2005
TL;DR: The authors discusses structural intersectionality, the ways in which the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes their real experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform qualitatively different from that of white women.
Abstract: Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. To overcome this difficulty, an original approach is suggested here: that of intersectionality. In the first part, the paper discusses structural intersectionality, the ways in which the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes their real experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform qualitatively different from that of white women. The focus is shifted in the second part to political intersectionality, with the analysis of how both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. Finally, the implications of the intersectional approach are addressed within the broader scope of contemporary identity politics.
11,901 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: In this article, Bordo explores our tortured fascination with food, hunger, desire, and control, and its effects on women's lives, and untangles the myths, ideologies, and pathologies of the modern female body.
Abstract: In this provocative book, Susan Bordo untangles the myths, ideologies, and pathologies of the modern female body. Bordo explores our tortured fascination with food, hunger, desire, and control, and its effects on women's lives.
4,274 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors close the Pandora's box and discuss race and the ''New Democrats'' in the context of the 2008 United States presidential election, and discuss the great transformation of the United States.
Abstract: 1. Ethnicity 2. Class 3. Nation Towards a Racial Formation Perspective Part Two 4. Racial Formation 5. The Racial State Part Three 6. The Great Transformation 7. Race and Reaction Conclusion Epilogue: Closing Pandora's Box -- Race and the \"New Democrats\
3,884 citations