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Journal Article

The Failed Experiment : Gun Control and Public Safety in Canada, Australia, England and Wales

01 Jan 2004-Journal on firearms and public policy (Second Amendment Foundation)-Vol. 16, Iss: 1
TL;DR: In this article, a brief review of gun laws shows that disarming the public has not reduced criminal violence in any country examined here: not in Great Britain, not in Canada, and not in Australia.
Abstract: This brief review of gun laws shows that disarming the public has not reduced criminal violence in any country examined here: not in Great Britain, not in Canada, and not in Australia. In all cases, disarming the public has been ineffective, expensive, and often counter productive. In all cases, the means have involved setting up expensive bureaucracies that produce no noticeable improvement to public safety or have made the situation worse. The results of this study are consistent with other academic research, that most gun laws do not have any measurable effect on crime (Kleck 1997: 377; Jacobs 2002). As I have argued elsewhere (Mauser 2001a), the history of gun control in both Canada and the Commonwealth demonstrates the slippery slope of accepting even the most benign appearing gun control measures. At each stage, the government either restricted access to firearms or prohibited and confiscated arbitrary types of ordinary firearms. In Canada, registration has been shown to mean eventual confiscation. As well, police search powers have been increased. The expansion of the state’s search and seizure powers should be taken very seriously by all civil libertarians concerned about the erosion of Canadians’ individual rights. Canada’s democratic institutions may also have been damaged by the transfer of what many would consider legislative powers to both the police and cabinet under firearm legislation. The demonizing of average people who happen to own a gun lays the foundation for a massive increase in governmental intrusiveness in the lives of ordinary citizens. Firearm registration and owner licensing threatens long-standing Canadian liberties and freedoms. The type of gun control Canada has enacted is not consistent with many democratic principles and the protection of civil liberties. Nevertheless, Canada is spearheading a move in the United Nations to impose a similar regime of draconian restrictions around the world. Disarming the public greatly increases cynicism about government among much of the population and it diminishes their willingness to comply with other, future regulations that might even be more sensible. The sense of alienation grows with the severity of the restrictions and with the ineffectiveness of their result. Unfortunately, policy dictates that the current directions will continue and, more important, will not be examined critically. This last is a guarantee of the increase of that future alienation.

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Citations
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: While the creation of clinical trials registry and results databases that are truly comprehensive are awaited, innovative efforts to provide convenient access to credible information about known existing clinical trials need to continue.
Abstract: Erick H. Turner [1] notes that “ClinicalTrials.gov, a registry authorized by the Food and Drug Modernization Act of 1997, appears not to be comprehensive.” While we await the creation of clinical trials registry and results databases that are truly comprehensive, innovative efforts to provide convenient access to credible information about known existing clinical trials need to continue. A Canadian example is provided by OntarioCancerTrials.ca, a consumer-oriented site developed by the Ontario Cancer Research Network (OCRN), with funding from the Ontario government.

96 citations


Cites background or result from "The Failed Experiment : Gun Control..."

  • ...He argued that the data showed trends in violent crime, and homicide in particular, exhibited much steeper rates of decline in the USA as compared to these other English-speaking countries (Mauser, 2003)....

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  • ...It is therefore hardly surprising that amid complexities of gun discourse in the media was interjected a spurious claim about the crime prevention effects of gun ownership (Mauser, 1995, 2003)....

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  • ...…of the claims made for the UK reveal that the number of violent crimes recorded by police there had increased because of increased reporting and changes in recording practices (Mauser, 2003: 21 fn. 16; on changes in UK recording practices for crime, see also Smith and Allen, 2004: 13 and 16)....

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  • ...The idea that controlling access to firearms could have a positive effect on social order was hotly challenged: ‘gun laws must be demonstrated to cut violent crime or gun control is no more than a hollow promise’ (Mauser, 2003: 3)....

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  • ...Indeed, his evidence showed the opposite: Canadian homicide rates were falling approximately in parallel with those of the United States (see Mauser, 2003: 16)....

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01 Jan 2006
TL;DR: Povey and Kaiza as mentioned in this paper investigated criminal attitudes towards and the market in illegal firearms, limiting the development of policy, policing practice and an understanding of the impact of firearms legislation.
Abstract: Crimes involving the use of firearms comprise around 0.4 per cent of all recorded offences in England and Wales and have doubled since the mid to late-1990s (Povey and Kaiza, 2006: 81). This increase has occurred against a background of increasingly restrictive legislation and ever more sophisticated public policy responses. At the same time, a small number of high-profile and shocking firearm homicides have raised considerably public concerns about the problem of illegal firearms. Police, politicians and media reports have described the emergence of a criminal ‘gun culture’, particularly in some inner-city areas in England. Relatively little is known, however, about criminal attitudes towards and the market in illegal firearms, limiting the development of policy, policing practice and an understanding of the impact of firearms legislation.

71 citations


Cites background from "The Failed Experiment : Gun Control..."

  • ...The use of imitation firearms in committing armed robberies has been well-documented elsewhere (e.g. Morrison and O’Donnell, 1994; Gill, 2000; Matthews, 2002)....

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  • ...In other cases, dependent drug users may use firearms, notably imitations, to facilitate robberies in order to finance their drug taking (Matthews, 2002; Hales and Silverstone, 2005)....

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  • ...Some initial training was given, including a session discussing the questionnaire and an introduction to selected relevant background literature (e.g. Pearson and Hobbs, 2001; Matthews, 2002; Walsh, 2005)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
James Sheptycki1
TL;DR: The authors examines the projection of these concerns within the Canadian mass media and through official statistics and shows that gun control legislation appears to have had a positive effect on gun-related crime in Canada, but that a residuum of gun-crime has remained Evidence suggests that a process of pistolization is ongoing in some places, but it is not a dominant strain.
Abstract: Canada has undergone intensive public debate concerning firearms over the past two decades, much of which has concerned the effectiveness of gun control legislation Since about 2005 public discourse has focused increasingly on an upsurge in gun-crime perpetrated by street-level criminals The article examines the projection of these concerns within the Canadian mass media and through official statistics It shows that gun control legislation appears to have had a positive effect on gun-related crime in Canada, but that a residuum of gun-crime has remained Evidence suggests that a process of pistolization is ongoing in some places, but that it is not a dominant strain The article also looks at some examples of grassroots resistance to pistolization in Canada in some communities that are worst affected by street-level gun crime

26 citations

Posted ContentDOI
01 Oct 2012
TL;DR: The authors examined the relationship between agenda setting and frames analysis in Canadian federal politics from 2004-2011 and found that the prime minister retained the final executive decision on party and government political communications and was, therefore, the leading arbiter of the messages delivered to represent key party agenda-setting strategies.
Abstract: This dissertation examines the relationship between agenda setting and frames analysis in Canadian federal politics from 2004-2011. The research project tests Savoie’s thesis that the centralization of power has grown with the increasing size of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and that the leader of the office has most clearly exerted that power in controlling the government’s agenda by applying it to the experience of minority government at the dawn of the 21st century. To test his thesis, textual analyses of the PMO’s agenda-setting documents were conducted to identify the key language, frames, and controlled policy announcements that were reflected within the political discourse. How does the discourse represent and reflect the shift in power in a dramatically changed political environment when, at least in theory, a minority government would be at the mercy of the opposition parties that hold the balance of power? From 2006 to 2011, the Harper Conservatives stayed in power by cleverly manipulating the agenda through framing and reframing issues to their advantage. The prime minister retained the final executive decision on party and government political communications and was, therefore, the leading arbiter of the messages delivered to represent key party agenda-setting strategies. Harper has often been identified as a shrewd strategist by academics and the media alike, but how different were his agenda-setting techniques compared to previous minority government strategies? This research identifies the communication tactics that the PMO used in 2006 to ensure its unique five key policy frames of “accountability”, “child care tax credits”, “cutting the GST”, “patient wait time guarantees”, and “tough on crime” were consistently delivered and coordinated across media in their platforms, websites, speeches, and outlays. The Harper Conservatives’ new strategies included narrowing agendas, promoting wedge issues, priming voters using distracter frames, and using strict media communication protocols to attract popular support from the key segment of middle-class families. Using these tactics, the government set the agenda on the dismantling of the firearms registry, framed the skills and motivations of two opposition leaders as ineffective and weak with attack advertisements, and sold the illusion that coalition governments were undemocratic.

22 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Apr 1959-Nature
TL;DR: No More War By Dr. Linus Pauling as discussed by the authors. Pp. 192 + 2 plates, cloth bound; 5s. 6d., cloth bound, 5s., paper covers.
Abstract: No More War By Dr. Linus Pauling. Pp. x + 254. (London: Victor Gollancz, Ltd., 1958.) 16s. net. The Devil's Repertoire or Nuclear Bombing and the Life of Man By Victor Gollancz. Pp. 192 + 2 plates. (London: Victor Gollancz, Ltd., 1958.) 10s. 6d., cloth bound; 5s. paper covers. The Arms Race A Programme for World Disarmament. By Philip Noel-Baker. Pp. xviii + 579. (London: Atlantic Book Publishing Co., Ltd., 1958. Distributed by Stevens and Sons, Ltd.) 25s. net.

21 citations

References
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Book
01 Jan 1994
TL;DR: Rummel's "death by government" as discussed by the authors is the fourth book in a series devoted to genocide and government mass murder, or what he calls democide, which is defined as those cases in which one million or more people were killed by a regime.
Abstract: This is R. J. Rummel's fourth book in a series devoted to genocide and government mass murder, or what he calls democide. He presents the primary results, in tables and figures, as well as a historical sketch of the major cases of democide, those in which one million or more people were killed by a regime. In Death by Government, Rummel does not aim to describe democide itself, but to determine its nature and scope in order to test the theory that democracies are inherently nonviolent. Rummel discusses genocide in China, Nazi Germany, Japan, Cambodia, Turkey, Yugoslavia, Poland, the Soviet Union, and Pakistan. He also writes about areas of suspected genocide: North Korea, Mexico, and feudal Russia. His results clearly and decisively show that democracies commit less democide than other regimes. The underlying principle is that the less freedom people have, the greater the violence; the more freedom, the less the violence. Thus, as Rummel says, -The problem is power. The solution is democracy. The course of action is to foster freedom.- Death by Government is a compelling look at the horrors that occur in modern societies. It depicts how democide has been very much a part of human history. Among other examples, the book includes the massacre of Europeans during the Thirty Years' War, the relatively unknown genocide of the French Revolution, and the slaughtering of American Indians by colonists in the New World. This riveting account is an essential tool for historians, political scientists, and scholars interested in the study of genocide.

516 citations

01 Jan 2001

321 citations

Book
05 Jul 2017

211 citations

Book
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: A correction has been made to the total number of police recorded crimes for the April to June 2020 period in Section 5 and the size of increases in total fraud and computer misuse offences recorded by Action Fraud or referred to the National Fraud Intelligence Bureau in Section 10 as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: A correction has been made to the total number of police recorded crimes for the April to June 2020 period in Section 5 and the size of increases in total fraud and computer misuse offences recorded by Action Fraud or referred to the National Fraud Intelligence Bureau in Section 10. A correction has also been made to the total number of computer misuse offences and the size of increases in these offences in Section 11.

203 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined data on homicide rates, drug prohibition enforcement, and gun control policy for a broad range of countries and found that differences in the enforcement of drug prohibition are an important factor in explaining differences in violence rates across countries.
Abstract: Violence rates differ dramatically across countries. A widely held view is that these differences reflect differences in gun control and/or gun availability, and certain pieces of evidence appear consistent with this hypothesis. A more detailed examination of this evidence suggests that the role of gun control/availability is not compelling. This more detailed examination, however, does not provide an alternative explanation for cross‐country differences in violence. This paper suggests that differences in the enforcement of drug prohibition are an important factor in explaining differences in violence rates across countries. To determine the validity of this hypothesis, the paper examines data on homicide rates, drug prohibition enforcement, and gun control policy for a broad range of countries. The results suggest a role for drug prohibition enforcement in explaining cross‐country differences in violence, and they provide an alternative explanation for some of the apparent effects of gun contro...

116 citations


"The Failed Experiment : Gun Control..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Homicide involving firearms is declining but the total homicide rates have remained basically flat from 1995 through to 2001 (Mouzos 2001)....

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  • ...PUBLIC POLICY SOURCES, NUMBER 71 PUBLIC POLICY SOURCES, NUMBER 71 The Fraser Institute 15 The Failed Experiment and the share of firearm homicide involving handguns has doubled in the past five years (Mouzos 2001)....

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  • ...…few murderers use firearms (9%–31%).9 In the Commonwealth, knives are usually preferred to guns by murderers.10 For example, at least as many murders are committed with knives as guns in Canada and in Australia twice as many murders involve knives as guns (Dauvergne 2001: 8; Mouzos 2001)....

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  • ...%) were identified as being misused by their legal owner (Mouzos 2001)....

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