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Journal ArticleDOI

The History of Theophylact Simocatta

01 Jan 1987-Classical World (JSTOR)-Vol. 80, Iss: 4, pp 324
About: This article is published in Classical World.The article was published on 1987-01-01. It has received 131 citations till now.
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Book ChapterDOI
01 Dec 2005
TL;DR: In early Middle Ages the Mediterranean-Hellenistic Jewry of antiquity separated and developed into Byzantine-southern Italian, Roman, Catalan-Southern French and Arabic-Sicilian branches as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In early Middle Ages the Mediterranean-Hellenistic Jewry of antiquity separated and developed into Byzantine-southern Italian, Roman, Catalan-southern French and Arabic-Sicilian branches. By the end of the tenth century the immense wealth of the Cairo Genizah begins to shed light on Jews in the Muslim world including Arab Sicily and, to a much lesser degree, in Muslim Spain and Byzantium. The early settlement history of Jews in Europe should distinguish between two spheres, south and north, and two periods, from late antiquity to c.800, and afterwards until c.1050/1100. The ownership of agricultural land by Jews is definitely demonstrated by Latin charters of the ninth to eleventh centuries in Italy, Christian Spain, and southern and east-central France. Toldot Yeshu and other indications in liturgy and religious poetry point to a polemical imperative in early medieval Jewish culture that is almost the matching image of the Christian approach to Judaism.

28 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Sep 2008
TL;DR: The coming of Christianity to the Slavs and Bulgars was virtually inescapable to the inhabitants of the Balkans, whether members of Greek-speaking communities or newcomers as discussed by the authors, who looked to their patron saints: St. Andrew and St. Demetrius.
Abstract: The coming of Christianity to the Slavs and Bulgars To the inhabitants of the Balkans, whether members of Greek-speaking communities or newcomers, the phenomenon of the Roman Empire was virtually inescapable. In the provinces south of the Danube overrun by the Slavs in the seventh and eighth centuries, imperial authority of the traditional stamp had dissolved. The emperor’s writ was restricted to fertile coastal plains, whose inhabitants sought protection in fortresses and towns. The townsfolk, in turn, looked to their patron saints: St. Demetrius repeatedly had to intervene to stop Avars and Slavs from capturing Thessalonica and Patras almost fell to the Slavs at the beginning of the ninth century. A later tale claimed that, awe-struck by the sight of St. Andrew leading the charge against them, these Slavs sought sanctuary in his church; they and their properties were subsequently assigned to maintaining the church. Uncertain as events might be, both assailants and assailed could reckon upon the eventual return of regions of significance to imperial rule. Constantinople’s governors would never permit otherwise, as their ceaseless rounds of palace ceremonial broadcast: with God’s help “the Christians” would always prevail over “the nations” around them. This message, and its trappings, reached remote recesses of the Balkans and beyond. The Rus Primary Chronicle tells of a certain Kii’s visit to “Tsargrad” where the emperor received him with “great honor.” The legend is designed to show that Kii, eponymous founder of Kiev, enjoyed high status among his people. But it suggests what an honorific association with the emperor could do for aspiring chieftains – all the more so for those within range of Byzantine strike-forces.

28 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Sep 2008
Abstract: By the year 732 CE, just one hundred years after the death of the prophet Muhammad, Arab military forces, in the name of Islam, consolidated their hegemony over a large stretch of territory outside of Arabia. This expanse of territory, embracing major portions of the Roman and Persian empires of Late Antiquity, included many indigenous Christian communities, in several denominations. They all came under Muslim rule, but demographically they made up the religious majority in many places until well into the eleventh century. There were strong Christian communities in Spain (al-Andalus) and in the territories of the former eastern patriarchates of the Roman Empire, as well as in Persian Mesopotamia. During the first four centuries of the hegira (i.e., the Islamic era) most of these Christian subjects of the Muslim caliph gradually adopted the Arabic language, while retaining to a greater or lesser extent, depending on local circumstances, their traditional, patristic, and liturgical languages for church purposes. Christians in the Qur’ān and in early Islam Arabic-speaking Christians were in the audience to whom the Qur’ān first addressed the word of God, as it claimed, in “a clear Arabic tongue” (Qur’ān 16.103 and 26.105). Indeed the Qur’ān presumes the priority of the Torah and the Gospel in the consciousness of its hearers, and insists that in reference to the earlier divine revelations it is itself “a corroborating scripture in the Arabic language to warn wrong doers and to announce good news to those who do well” (Qur’ān 46.12). In the Qur’ān, God advises the Muslims, “If you are in doubt about what we have sent down to you, ask those who were reading scripture before you” (Qur’ān 10.94).

28 citations

Book ChapterDOI
11 Sep 2008

28 citations