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Journal ArticleDOI

The Indian Man: A Biography of James Mooney

23 Jan 1985-Ethnohistory-Vol. 32, Iss: 4, pp 399
TL;DR: The Indian Man examines the life of James Mooney (1861-1921), the son of poor Irish immigrants who became a champion of Native peoples and one of the most influential anthropology fieldworkers of all time as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The Indian Man examines the life of James Mooney (1861-1921), the son of poor Irish immigrants who became a champion of Native peoples and one of the most influential anthropology fieldworkers of all time. As a staff member of the Smithsonian Institution for over three decades, Mooney conducted fieldwork and gathered invaluable information on rapidly changing Native American cultures across the continent. His fieldwork among the Eastern Cherokees, Cheyennes, and Kiowas provides priceless snapshots of their traditional ways of life, and his sophisticated and sympathetic analysis of the 1890 Ghost Dance and the consequent tragedy at Wounded Knee has not been surpassed a century later. L. G. Moses is a professor of history at Oklahoma State University. He is the author of Wild West Shows and the Images of American Indians, 1833-1933.
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Journal ArticleDOI
Samuel R. Cook1
TL;DR: For instance, the authors examines the historical emergence of anthropological advocacy as a conscious pursuit through an examination of the historical activities of anthropologists working with American Indians in Virginia. But their contributions have been, and continue to be, significant.
Abstract: This article examines the historical emergence of anthropological advocacy as a conscious pursuit through an examination of the historical activities of anthropologists working with American Indians in Virginia. Although anthropologists working with these peoples have been relatively few—in part due to the small indigenous population in the state—their contributions have been, and continue to be, significant. On the one hand, anthropological work among Virginia Indians was cultivated in a climate of skewed race relations and politics, thereby inviting a tradition of advocacy among anthropologists working on behalf of indigenous rights in the state. Thus, while there has always been an anthropological tradition emphasizing local contexts among Virginia Indians, anthropologists working with these groups in recent years have combined applied anthropology and advocacy to form creative models for collaborative research and ethnography. In examining the demographic and political context in which anthropologists...

8 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The last time I saw her she prayed standing by the side of her bed at night, naked to the waist, the light of a kerosene lamp moving upon her dark skin this article.
Abstract: I remember her most often at prayer. She made long, rambling prayers out of suffering and hope, having seen many things. I was never sure that I had the right to hear, so exclusive were they of all mere custom and company. The last time I saw her she prayed standing by the side of her bed at night, naked to the waist, the light of a kerosene lamp moving upon her dark skin. Her long black hair, always drawn and braided in the day, lay upon her shoulders and against her breasts like a shawl. I do not speak Kiowa, and I never understood her prayers, but there was something inherently sad in the sound, some merest hesitation upon the syllables of sorrow. She began in a high and descending pitch, exhausting her breath to silence; then again and again-and always the same intensity of effort, of something that is, and is not, like urgency in the human voice. Transported so in the dancing light among the shadows of her room, she seemed beyond the reach of time. [Momaday 1987 11969}:10]

7 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Kiowa Black Leggings Warrior Society (KBLWS) as discussed by the authors is a revival of the Tonkongya, one of several military societies active among the Kiowa in the nineteenth century.
Abstract: The Kiowa Black Leggings Warrior Society is a twentieth-century revival of the Tonkongya, one of several military societies active among the Kiowa in the nineteenth century. In 1958, a group of Kiowa veterans reactivated the Tonkongya to recognize the contemporary military service of community members. The organization has prospered over the ensuing half a century to become a recognized force in contemporary Kiowa society and the Society’s ceremonials have become an important arena for expressing Kiowa identity. The revival of the Kiowa Black Leggings Warrior Society reflects the ongoing importance of the warrior tradition in Plains Indian communities and the resurgence of interest in Native identity in the late twentieth century. The Society celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of its revival in 2008. A central component of the celebration was the decision by the officers of the organization to commission a new iteration of their painted Battle Tipi. The Sam Noble Museum of Natural History develop...

6 citations

01 Jan 2015
TL;DR: For instance, Chiwere as mentioned in this paper presents an ethnography of the Siouan and Caddoan languages at the American Association of Slavic and African American Studies (AAAS).
Abstract: ..............................................................................................................................iii Acknowledgements..............................................................................................................v Chapter 1: Introduction........................................................................................................1 Chapter 2: Language Revitalization as a Revitalization Movement..................................18 Chapter 3: Revitalization as a Social Experience..............................................................66 Chapter 4: Writing Chiwere: Orthography, Literacy, and Language Revitalization.......117 Chapter 5: Words and Worldviews: Morphology, Lexicography, and Culture...............163 Chapter 6: Translating Chiwere: Interlingual Dimensions of Language Preservation....197 Chapter 7: “Culture” and the Native American Languages Act......................................239 Chapter 8: Conclusion......................................................................................................278 References........................................................................................................................295 ! v! Acknowledgements It takes a village to write an ethnography. First, I thank my advisors, Rena Lederman and Abdellah Hammoudi. The following pages do not begin to capture my intellectual debt to their teaching, scholarship, and advising. I would also like to thank Lisa Davis and Graham Jones for serving on my committee. Lisa has provided invaluable guidance at key points along the way. Graham played a central role in the inception of this project, and I am grateful that that he has joined my committee for its conclusion. Other faculty at Princeton, including Jim Boon, Isabelle Clark-Decès, Carol Greenhouse, and Lawrence Rosen, nurtured this project through their teaching. Carol Zanca helped me navigate the program for the past seven years. Lise Dobrin has been an inspiring collaborator and informal mentor to me since we met in 2011, and I have enjoyed every minute of the many hours we have spent in conversation since. Erin Debenport provided generous feedback on two of the following chapters. I could not have asked for a more supportive cohort than Eva Harmon, Pablo Landa, Daniel Polk, Erin Raffety, and Marissa Smith. Other students at Princeton and beyond were also sources of inspiration, friendship, and support, especially Peter Kurie, Alejandro Perez, Vicki Sear, Jasmine Spencer, and Josh Wayt. Portions of this dissertation benefitted from Pete’s keen editorial eye, and I am grateful for his close reading and suggestions. This project would not have been possible without the assistance of Jimm Goodtracks. To him and his family I say Ahó, warígroxiwi ke. I would also like to thank Mark AwakuniSwetland, John Boyle and his students, Sky Campbell, Lance Foster, Bill Green, Dave Kaufman, Reuben and Malissa Kent, John Koontz, Chad Landsman, Rory Larson, Rebecca Liberty, Armik Mirzayan, Brett Ramey, Bob Rankin, and David Rood. Early versions of material that found its way into the dissertation were presented at the AAA Annual Meeting (2013, 2014), LSA Annual Meeting (2013), Siouan and Caddoan Languages Conference (2012, 2014), Tempennton (2014), and at the Center for Arts and Cultural Policy Studies (2013) and the Program in Translation and Intercultural Communication (2012) at Princeton University. Major funding for this project was provided by the Wenner-Gren Foundation. Funding also came from units within Princeton University, including the Center for Arts and Cultural Policy Studies, Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies, and Program in American Studies. I thank Stan Katz and Paul DiMaggio of CACPS and Dirk Hartog of PAS for making these awards. Travel funds for conferences came from the Office of the Dean of the Graduate School. Marni Sandweiss enabled me to participate in ! vi! Newberry Consortium in American Indian Studies programs at the Newberry Library in Chicago. When funding ran out but the writing continued, my grandmother, Berta Goodman, and cousins, Sam, Rob, Noa, Emma, and Morrie Baumgarten, were kind enough to let me live with them while I finished. For their personal support over many years, I thank my grandparents, Berta and Ralph Goodman and Jayne and Sid Schetina; my parents, Debbie Goodman and Mark Schwartz; my brother, Ari Schwartz; and Emma Kobil. This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of my grandfather, Ralph Goodman, who passed away in 2013. ! 1! Chapter 1: Introduction One evening in July 2012, I was having dinner with fellow students at the Institute on Collaborative Language Research (CoLang), which was held that year at the University of Kansas in Lawrence. CoLang is a six-week summer institute on community-based language documentation and revitalization sponsored by the National Science Foundation’s Documenting Endangered Languages Program (DEL). The weekend before CoLang began, the University of Kansas also hosted the annual Siouan and Caddoan Languages Conference. I came down for the conference from White Cloud, Kansas, with Jimm Goodtracks, whose Chiwere (Ioway, Otoe-Missouria) language project—also funded by DEL—was my primary site of participation observation during my fieldwork on Siouan language documentation and revitalization. Jimm left after the conference, and I stayed on for CoLang in order to learn more about documentary linguistics as a disciplinary subfield. Over dinner, my CoLang colleagues were discussing their respective research interests. Someone turned to me. “So, you’re an anthropologist, right?” I nodded. “What do you work on?” “I’m doing research for my dissertation,” I said. “It’s an ethnography of endangered language documentation.” Blank looks from my dining companions. “I study language documentation as a social process,” I explained. “I’ve been doing fieldwork with a community-based project here in Kansas, up in White Cloud.” “What language?” someone asked. ! 2! “Chiwere,” I said. “It’s a Siouan language.” “So that’s the language you’re working on?” “Well, no,” I said. “I don’t really study the language itself. I’m more interested in how and why people document languages.” “So, are you studying us?” My tablemates were beginning to consider the implications of my research. “Well...” I hesitated. I never quite knew what to say at these summer programs. Delimiting the field during fieldwork could be difficult. “If I were studying you right now, you would know because I would have asked your permission. That’s what I do when I interview linguists. I have to get informed consent.” My dining companions nodded—field linguists deal with IRBs, too. “Maybe I’ll ask you for an interview sometime,” I continued, “but I’m really here to understand how language documentation is supposed to be done. You know, all the best practices we learn about. Then, I can compare those to how the Chiwere project works.” “Like, what do you mean? What are they doing that’s different?” someone asked. “Well,” I said, relishing the moment, “they’re writing a dictionary in Microsoft Word!” “What? Why?” They were shocked. “That’s what my research is about,” I said. “I know using Word isn’t best practice, but we’re also supposed to collaborate with consultants and respect their preferences. The person I work with is a semi-speaker. He’s tried Toolbox and other dictionary programs but likes Word better. It gives him more control over the entries.” “Do you have the dictionary in other formats?” someone asked. ! 3! “No, it’s all in Word,” I said. “You should save in plain text so you won’t lose it.” “I don’t know.” “Why not? It would be easy. You may lose formatting, but you’ll still have the data.” “But that’s not my role. I’m there to understand what they do, not change what they do.” “What? I can’t believe you! You could lose everything! You should do it.” “I’ll think about it.” “You really should do it.” I said nothing. My interlocutor shook her head and looked away. The conversation went on. My interlocutor was voicing a common concern among documentary linguists. In 2003, Steven Bird and Gary Simons published an influential article on best practices for technology in language documentation. Bird and Simons point out that “much digital . . . documentation . . . becomes inaccessible within a decade of its creation” because projects employ “software versions, file formats, and system configurations” with limited lifespans (2003:557). Compared to earlier media, like paper and clay tablets, which can last for thousands of years, digital documentation is “evanescent” because of its binary ontology (2003:567). Bird and Simons echo common rhetorics of language loss but transfer the terms to technologies and data themselves, drawing an analogy between the object and means of preservation: “In the very generation when the rate of language death is at its peak, we ! 4! have chosen to use moribund technologies, and to create endangered data. When the technologies die, unique heritage is either lost or encrypted” (2003:557). Like languages, technologies and data can be “endangered,” “moribund,” or even “die” leading to encrypted heritage, in which digital encoding entombs rather than preserves. Against these forms of loss, Bird and Simons emphasize portability as a central value for documentation technology. Portability involves four dimensions of transcendence: of time, of software and hardware platforms, of scholarly communities, and of purposes (2003:558). To Jimm, the advantages of Word are obvious: the files are easy to create and share with community members and entries are completely customizable—unlike in more specialized dictionary database programs. But as Bird and Simons point out, the problem with Microsoft Word and other conventional office software is that the data they contain is not portable: such programs store data in a secret proprietary format, wh

4 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Collaborative ethnography as discussed by the authors is a powerful way to engage the public with anthropology, and it can be seen as a way to serve humankind more directly and more immediately.
Abstract: Collaborative ethnographythe collaboration of researchers and subjects in the production of ethnographic textsoffers us a powerful way to engage the public with anthropology. As one of many academic/applied approaches, contemporary collaborative ethnography stems from a wellestablished historical tradition of collaboratively produced texts that are often overlooked. Feminist and postmodernist efforts to recenter ethnography along dialogical lines further contextualize this historically situated collaborative practice. The goals of collaborative ethnography (both historical and contemporary) are now powerfully converging with those of a public anthropology that pulls together academic and applied anthropology in an effort to serve humankind more directly and more immediately.

319 citations

BookDOI
01 Jan 2002
TL;DR: In this paper, Deloria et al. presented a survey of the history of American Indians in the United States, Canada, and Mexico, focusing on the first contact, kinship, family kindreds, and community.
Abstract: List of Contributors.Introduction.1 Historiography.Philip J. Deloria (University of Colorado).2 First Contacts.John Kicza (Washington State University).3 Health, Disease, Demography.Russell Thornton (University of California, Los Angeles).4 Wag the Imperial Dog: Indians and Overseas Empires in North America, 1650-1776.Gregory E. Dowd (University of Notre Dame).5 Native Americans and the United States, Canada, and Mexico.R. David Edmunds (Indiana University).6 Languages: Linguistic Change and the Study of Indian Languages from Colonial Times to the Present.Regna Darnell (University of Western Ontario).7 Native American Systems of Knowledge.Clara Sue Kidwell (University of Oklahoma).8 Native American Spirituality: History, Theory, and Reformulation.Lee Irwin (College of Charleston).9 Indians and Christianity.Willard Rollins (University of Nevada, Las Vegas).10 Kinship, Family Kindreds, and Community.Jay Miller (Simon Fraser University).11 The Nature of Conquest: Indians, Americans, and Environmental History.Louis Warren (University of California, Davis).12 Labor and Exchange in American Indian History.Patricia Albers (University of Minnesota).13 American Indian Warfare: The Cycles of Conflict and the Militarization of Native North America.Tom Holm (University of Arizona).14 Indian Law, Sovereignty, and State Law: Native People and the Law.Sidney L. Harring (City University of New York Law School).15 Federal and State Policies and American Indians.Donald Fixico (Western Michigan University).16 Gender in Native America.Betty Bell (University of Michigan).17 Metis, Mestizo, and Mixed-Blood.Jennifer Brown (University of Winnipeg) and Theresa Schenck (Washington State University).18 Transforming Outsiders: Captivity, Adoption, and Slavery Considered.Pauline Turner Strong (University of Texas at Austin).19 Translation and Cultural Brokerage.Eric Hinderaker (University of Utah).20 Native American Literatures.P. Jane Hafen (University of Nevada, Las Vegas).21 Indigenous Art: Creating Value and Sharing Beauty.Nancy Parezo (University of Arizona).22 Performative Traditions in American Indian History.George Moses (Oklahoma State University).23 American Indian Education: by Indians vs. for Indians.K. Tsianina Lomawaima (University of Arizona).24 Wanted: More Histories of Indian Identity.Alexandra Harmon (University of Washington).25 Sovereignty.Gerald Taiaike Alfred (University of Victoria).Bibliography.Index

265 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In more than a hundred years of Anglo-American ethnography, observation has been combined with a wide variety of theoretical outlooks from structured-functionalist to critical writings.
Abstract: Ethnography is never mere description, rather it is a theory of describing that has always been controversial as to the what and how thus inspiring a dynamic intellectual process. The process has been methodologically eclectic and innovative, governed by both consensual and outdated rules. Throughout more than hundred years of Anglo-American ethnography, observation has been combined with a wide variety of theoretical outlooks from structured-functionalist to critical writings.

114 citations

MonographDOI
Kiara M. Vigil1
01 Jul 2015
TL;DR: Vigil as discussed by the authors examines the literary output of four influential American Indian intellectuals who challenged long-held conceptions of Indian identity at the turn of the twentieth century and traces how the narrative discourses created by these figures spurred wider discussions about citizenship, race, and modernity in the United States.
Abstract: In the United States of America today, debates among, between, and within Indian nations continue to focus on how to determine and define the boundaries of Indian ethnic identity and tribal citizenship. From the 1880s and into the 1930s, many Native people participated in similar debates as they confronted white cultural expectations regarding what it meant to be an Indian in modern American society. Using close readings of texts, images, and public performances, this book examines the literary output of four influential American Indian intellectuals who challenged long-held conceptions of Indian identity at the turn of the twentieth century. Kiara M. Vigil traces how the narrative discourses created by these figures spurred wider discussions about citizenship, race, and modernity in the United States. Vigil demonstrates how these figures deployed aspects of Native American cultural practice to authenticate their status both as indigenous peoples and as citizens of the United States.

65 citations

DOI
01 Jan 1990
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the emergence of the Metis Indians in the Pacific Northwest by tracing the growing up experiences of fur trade youngsters from infancy to old age, focusing on the children at Fort Vancouver, the Hudson's Bay Company headguarters for the region.
Abstract: If the p s y c h i a t r i s t ' s b e l i e f that childhood determines adult behaviour i s true, then h i s t o r i a n s should be able to ascertain much about the f a b r i c of past cultures by examining the way i n which children were raised. Indeed, i t may be argued that the roots of new cultures are to be found i n the growing up experiences of the f i r s t generation. Such i s the premise adopted i n t h i s thesis, which explores the emergence of the Metis i n the P a c i f i c Northwest by tr a c i n g the l i v e s of fur trade youngsters from c h i l d b i r t h to old age. S p e c i f i c a l l y , the study focuses on the children at Fort Vancouver, the Hudson's Bay Company headguarters for the region, during the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth century — a period of rapid s o c i a l change. While breaking new ground i n childhood h i s t o r y , the the s i s also provides a s o c i a l history of fur trade society west of the Rocky Mountains. Central to the study i s the conviction that the fur trade constituted a v i a b l e culture. While the parents i n t h i s culture came from a wide v a r i e t y of ethnic backgrounds, t h e i r mixed-blood youngsters were ra i s e d i n the wilderness' of Oregon i n a fusion of f ur trade capitalism, Euro-American ideology and native values — a mil i e u which forged and shaped t h e i r i d e n t i t i e s . This thesis advances the int e r p r e t a t i o n that, despite much v a r i a t i o n i n the children's growing up experience, most

29 citations