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Journal ArticleDOI

The interaction of material and ideational factors in the East China Sea dispute: impact on future dispute management

08 Dec 2008-Global Change, Peace & Security (Routledge)-Vol. 20, Iss: 3, pp 375-391
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that previous analyses privilege one aspect of the dispute over the other, arguing that the primary motivations relate to the material wealth of the seabed combined with increased energy needs in China and Japan.
Abstract: This article seeks to explain the current phase of the East China Sea dispute between China and Japan. It argues that previous analyses privilege one aspect of the dispute over the other. Some stress the nationalist dimension of the dispute while others argue the primary motivations relate to the material wealth of the seabed combined with increased energy needs in China and Japan. By analysing the interaction between the nationalist (ideational) and resource (material) dimensions, it becomes clear why it has become increasingly difficult for policy elites in either state to seek compromise. This is because nationalist constituencies in China and Japan have extended their nationalist/ideational sentiment from the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands to the entire East China Sea. Simultaneously, Beijing and Tokyo's interest in the material exploitation and security of the East China Sea has risen. This convergence between nationalist and elite interest became clear in April 2005 and significantly raised bilateral tensio...
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Journal ArticleDOI
01 Dec 2018
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors assess the risk of an interstate war between China and Japan in the twenty-first century and assess the main drivers for this development and ascertain whether threats to stability are currently increasing or decreasing.
Abstract: Abstract The People’s Republic of China and Japan have been at odds with each other for over a century. Their modern relationship was shaped by imperialism, territorial disputes, and two wars. With the end of the bipolar power structure of the Cold War, both nations are vying for regional leadership. The unresolved territorial dispute over the Senkaku/Diàoyú Islands (Senkaku shotō 尖閣諸島/ Diàoyúdǎo jí qí fùshǔ dǎoyǔ 钓岛及其附属岛屿) in the East China Sea serves as a constant catalyst for clashes between both powers and seems to be pushing towards a violent eruption. Thus, this paper assesses the risk of an interstate war between China and Japan in the twenty-first century. By employing the Steps to War theory, each step nations usually take before engaging in war, it will be analysed in order to see how far the brewing Sino-Japanese conflict has developed. This paper aims at answering the questions of the current risk of war, whether there is a palpable shift towards conflict escalation during the twenty-first century, and if so, identifying the main drivers for this development and ascertaining whether threats to stability are currently increasing or decreasing.

11 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the discursive construction in the territorial disputes over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands between China and Japan, and concludes that "in the 21st century, territorial sovereignty is still a widely a...
Abstract: This paper examines the discursive construction in the territorial disputes over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands between China and Japan. In the 21st century, territorial sovereignty is still a widely a...

11 citations


Cites background from "The interaction of material and ide..."

  • ...The dispute over the islands derives from the frequently mentioned reason of competition for energy resources at the economic dimension, and has a nationalist and identity-based dimension (Manicom, 2008)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a model for the analysis of the domestic-international nexus of Arctic politics, and explore the potential impact of domestic politics on such disputes by identifying the interests of domestic stakeholders in the Canadian Arctic.
Abstract: This article presents a model for the analysis of the domestic-international nexus of Arctic politics. It offers a preliminary attempt at mapping the domestic politics of Arctic boundary disputes in Canada. It explores the potential impact of domestic politics on such disputes by identifying the interests of domestic stakeholders in the Canadian Arctic. The paper views maritime boundary negotiations as a ‘two-level game’ in which negotiations occur internationally and domestically. The paper argues that the domestic level negotiation is contingent on how the issues are ‘framed’ between policymakers and their constituents. The paper identifies ways that domestic actors can reduce the number of acceptable outcomes in a two-level game, thereby impeding cooperation.

10 citations


Cites background from "The interaction of material and ide..."

  • ...For example, the maritime areas of the East China Sea between China and Japan have increasingly been viewed as integral to the national identities of these states and the exercise of jurisdiction in disputed waters by the other as a national security threat (Manicom 2008)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors draw comparative lessons for Arctic policymakers based on East Asia's experience responding to overlapping jurisdictional entitlements created by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
Abstract: The impact of climate change on the circumpolar north has raised the profile of the Arctic Ocean to coastal states and presents serious foreign policy challenges. Chief among these is the pending delimitation dispute over the extended continental shelf between Canada, Denmark, the United States, and Russia. While delimitation disputes are not new to Arctic states, extended continental shelf claims are complicated by the existence of multiple claimants and a still developing international legal regime. To inform policymakers about what to expect from overlapping claims to disputed maritime areas, this paper draws comparative lessons for Arctic policymakers based on East Asia's experience responding to overlapping jurisdictional entitlements created by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). East Asian states have been grappling with the challenge presented by overlapping claims to resource-rich seabeds since the region ratified UNCLOS in the mid-late 1990s. In light of similar geographic conditions (a dispute over a semi-enclosed sea), alliance structures and the relative infancy of the claimant states with UNCLOS entitlements—Canada only ratified the treaty in 2003, and the United States has yet to do so—this paper sets out the case that important comparative lessons can be drawn from the East Asian experience with maritime delimitation disputes.

9 citations

References
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Book
15 May 1996
TL;DR: Huth as mentioned in this paper presents a new theoretical approach for analyzing the foreign policy behavior of states, one that integrates insights from traditional realist as well as domestic political approaches to the study of foreign policy.
Abstract: Through an examination of 129 territorial disputes between 1950 and 1990, Paul Huth presents a new theoretical approach for analyzing the foreign policy behavior of states, one that integrates insights from traditional realist as well as domestic political approaches to the study of foreign policy. Huth's approach is premised on the belief that powerful explanations of security policy must be built on the recognition that foreign policy leaders are domestic politicians who are very attentive to the domestic implications of foreign policy actions. Hypotheses derived from this new modified realist mode are then empirically tested by a combination of statistical and case study analysis. ." . . a welcome contribution to our understanding of how and why some territorial disputes escalate to war."--"American Political Science Review" Paul Huth is Associate Professor of Political Science and Associate Research Scientist, Center for Political Studies, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan.

414 citations

Book
01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: The authors studied the causes, content, and consequences of nationalism in China, an ancient empire that has struggled to construct a nation-state and find its place in the modern world, and revealed how leaders of the PRC have adopted a pragmatic strategy to use nationalism while struggling to prevent it from turning into a menace rather than a prop.
Abstract: This is the first historically comprehensive, up-to-date analysis of the causes, content, and consequences of nationalism in China, an ancient empire that has struggled to construct a nation-state and find its place in the modern world. It shows how Chinese political elites have competed to promote different types of nationalism linked to their political values and interests and imposed them on the nation while trying to repress other types of nationalism. In particular, the book reveals how leaders of the PRC have adopted a pragmatic strategy to use nationalism while struggling to prevent it from turning into a menace rather than a prop.

326 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the post-Cold War era, international relations scholars have produced a pessimistic evaluation of ways that nationalism increases the chances of international conflict as discussed by the authors, focusing on the use of nationalism to divert attention from societal demands for security, economic development, and effective political institutions.
Abstract: Influenced by the resurgence of nationalism in the post-Cold War era, international relations scholars have produced a pessimistic evaluation of ways that nationalism increases the chances of international conflict. Three broad themes have emerged in the literature. The first focuses on the use of nationalism to divert attention from the state's inability to meet societal demands for security, economic development, and effective political institutions.' Illegitimate regimes may seek to bolster their grip on power by blaming foreigners for their own failures, increasing international tensions.' The second looks at groups within the state that have expansionist or militarist goals. By propagating nationalist or imperialist myths, they can generate broad public support for their parochial intere s t ~ . ~ The third emphasizes how political elites can incite nationalism to gain an advantage in domestic political competition. Nationalism can be used both to mobilize support for threatened elites and to fend off potential challenger^.^ This function can be particularly important in democratizing or liberalizing authoritarian regimes, which lack established political institutions to channel

174 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a political accountability model is developed to explain how the accountability of incumbent democratic leaders to domestic political opposition influences the diplomatic and military policies of governments, and the model is situated within the democratic peace literature and compared with existing theoretical work.
Abstract: A political accountability model is developed to explain how the accountability of incumbent democratic leaders to domestic political opposition influences the diplomatic and military policies of governments. The model is situated within the democratic peace literature and compared with existing theoretical work. Empirically, the hypotheses are tested on a new data set of 348 territorial disputes for the period from 1919 to 1995. Each dispute is divided into three separate stages so that hypotheses about the initiation and outcome of both negotiations and military confrontations, and opposing patterns of war and dispute settlement, can be tested. Results provide strong support for a number of hypotheses concerning the importance of electoral cycles and the strength of opposition parties in explaining patterns of both conflictual and cooperative behavior by democratic states.

111 citations

Book
13 Sep 1989
TL;DR: This article made a thorough and overall investigation of China's policy towards these islands, dealing with the battle for the Paracels, the dispute with Vietnam, the disputes with the Philippines and Malaysia and the relationship between the territorial disputes and China's maritime claims in the South China Sea.
Abstract: Since 1949 and the founding of the People's Republic, China has been involved in more than one territorial dispute with its neighbours. Currently the most unstable and dangerous dispute is the one over the Paracel and Spratly islands in the South China Sea. With their potentially rich and accessible petroleum resources, these islands have become the new arena of conflict for the 1970s and 1980s, China having already fought a war with South Vietnam over the Paracel Islands. This book, based on a wealth of primary materials in the Chinese language, is the first to make a thorough and overall investigation of China's policy towards these islands. It deals with the battle for the Paracels, the dispute with Vietnam, the disputes with the Philippines and Malaysia, and the relationship between the territorial disputes and China's maritime claims in the South China Sea.

52 citations