The Left After May 1968 and the Longing for Total Revolution
TL;DR: In various European countries, the relation between 'the left' and 'the right' presents itself today in paradoxical form: the attenuation of the differences at the level of policy making is accompanied by the persistence, if not even strengthening, of the polarisation in terms of verbal position taking and of partisan self-description as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In various European countries, the relation between `the left' and `the right' presents itself today in paradoxical form: the attenuation of the differences at the level of policy making is accompanied by the persistence, if not even strengthening, of the polarisation in terms of verbal position taking and of partisan self-description. To understand this situation, one needs to return to that which constitutes the ideological core of the opposition between left and right. The left remains marked, though not necessarily in an explicit fashion, by the heritage of the quest for `total revolution'. Such quest presupposes a radical critique of the world in the form in which it presents itself, namely as an obstacle to the full realisation of humanity. In this sense, the left is intrinsically connected to critique, and left and right stand opposed to each other in the same way that critique is opposed to celebration. From the second half of the 19th century onwards, the critique of the left was elaborated in pa...
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TL;DR: A history of critical marketing studies can be found in this article, where the argument put forward that marketing lacks any substantive critical edge is questioned, and an account of the critical marketing heritage is provided.
Abstract: In this paper, I outline a history of critical marketing studies. The argument put forward that marketing lacks any substantive critical edge is questioned. In surveying our history and finding extensive engagement with a variety of critical perspectives, I connect these with appropriate literature from non-marketing sources to flesh out an account of our critical marketing heritage. I devote considerable attention to the period 1940 to 1990, as this is the historical range of critical marketing literature that most scholars will be unfamiliar with, linking this through citation and discussion to more recently published work. In this way, this paper provides a guide to sources of literature that may have passed marketing scholars by because they violate our disciplinary demands for ‘recency’ (Baker, 2001). As I document, critical marketing studies examines a variety of areas that represent consumer culture theory's (CCT) ‘next frontier’ if we accept Arnould and Thompson's (2005) diagnosis. In opp...
163 citations
Cites background from "The Left After May 1968 and the Lon..."
...…2002, pp. 115–116; Fromm 1955/2006, p. 281), while structuring the way we look at consumption (Firat, 1987; see also Adkins & Ozanne, 2005). themselves to get ahead in the capitalistic, competitive world with the minimum of social friction (Fromm, 1950/1978, 1956/2005; cf. Boltanski, 2002)....
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...…enough, regardless of the continued prominence of consumer agency, insofar as coconstruction constitutes an act of agency (cf. Boltanski, 2002; Firat & Tadajewski, 2009), there is some oscillation in postmodern marketing work about the level of freedom open to the postmodern…...
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...Here, ‘work’ inhibits our critical decision-making abilities (Benton, 1987a; cf. Boltanski, 2002, pp. 115–116; Fromm 1955/2006, p. 281), while structuring the way we look at consumption (Firat, 1987; see also Adkins & Ozanne, 2005). themselves to get ahead in the capitalistic, competitive world…...
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...But the acceptable level is established by those with power and seldom brings into question the legitimacy of the system itself ’ (Kilbourne 1987a, p. 313; cf. Boltanski, 2002; Prothero & Fitchett, 2000; Shultz & Holbrook, 1999)....
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TL;DR: Basaure et al. as mentioned in this paper show that Boltanski's recent research on various subjects, such as abortion and procreation, can be understood as part of a developing research programme that has been partly set in motion by the divers critiques raised against the sociological perspective exposed in On Justification.
Abstract: In their important work On Justification: The Economies of Worth Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thévenot (2006) develop the notion of a ‘sociology of critique’, which has made a decisive contribution to our understanding of what can be called an ordinary sense of justice. In this interview, I take the model worked out in On Justification as a point of departure to ask about the various conceptual consequences it has had on the further development of the sociological theory of Luc Boltanski. The interview shows that Boltanski’s recent research on various subjects – such as capitalism (Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005a), abortion and procreation (Boltanski, 2004), and distant suffering (Boltanski, 1999) – can be understood as part of a developing research programme that has been partly set in motion by the divers critiques raised against the sociological perspective exposed in On Justification. In other words, Boltanski takes these criticisms seriously by responding to them through a transformation and expansion of his research program without abandoning the kernel of his pragmatic social theory. LB 1⁄4 Luc Boltanski; MB 1⁄4 Mauro Basaure MB I would like to start with a slightly problematic question: Is it true that, in France, On Justification was implemented not only as an instrument of sociological research, but also – in the context of administration theory – as an instrument for conflict management strategies? What is your opinion on this type of reception of your sociology? LB That happens to be the way it is: once a book has been published, the author no longer has control over how and in which contexts it is used. An author is not always content with the reception of his work, and I was not always at ease with the way On
46 citations
Cites background from "The Left After May 1968 and the Lon..."
...Afterwards, it became clear to me that it had been apparent since May of 1968 (Boltanski, 2002)....
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Book•
01 Jan 2007
TL;DR: The term world communist movement (WCM) was coined by as discussed by the authors to refer to three groups of communist parties: those in power in the socialist countries, those in opposition or underground in the capitalist world; and, from the 1960s onwards, Marxist-inspired movements of national liberation in the Third World.
Abstract: and less tangible than the preceding forms of world communist organization such as the Comintern and the Cominform,40 the “world communist movement” constituted a reality in the minds of those who were part of it, with concrete rules of behavior and modes of interaction. From the 1960s onwards, the WCM included three groups of communist parties: those in power in the socialist countries; those in opposition or underground in the capitalist world; and, from the 1960s onwards, Marxistinspired movements of national liberation in the Third World. It also included a number of “non-political” bodies such as the World Peace Council, the World Federation of Democratic Youth, the World Student Union and the World Trade Union Confederation (the latter two had their headquarters in Prague). The term “world communist movement” will be used here in the same way as it was used by the communist parties. However, attention will be focused on the contradictions and shifts in the definition of the term, as reflecting the deeper-lying questions of its doctrinal and strategic boundaries. While the world communist movement organized the communist parties of the world and was primarily an ideological organization prescribing “orthodox” doctrine, the communist bloc during the Cold War included only the socialist states and referred to the economic, commercial, military and political relations between them. The “movement” was wider and more diverse than the “bloc.” In this study, communist bloc will be used to refer to the system of (Soviet-aligned) socialist states and their institutions, such as the Warsaw Pact (Warsaw Treaty Organisation, WTO) and the Comecon (Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, CMEA).41 As will become clear, in moments of crisis such as 1968–1969, the Soviet Union understood the movement’s role as providing crucial ideological underpinning and political support to the bloc. 2.2. Internationalism: a working concept Internationalism is understood here as coinciding neither entirely with the discourse and theory of internationalism as used among communists themselves, nor exclusively with the practical policies of communist parties on the international scene. Rather, it focuses on the tension between them.42 This concept here proposes a way of escaping some of the dangers 16
35 citations
TL;DR: The ACH Bibliographies as discussed by the authors are organized into 10 format-based sections, listed below: United States and Comparative, each arranged alphabetically, with a full citation (for Internet/web items this includes a URL) and a one-sentence annotation where the title does not directly convey the item's relevance.
Abstract: The subject of this annual Bibliography is United States and Comparative Communist History. The level of coverage for the United States is extensive. Coverage of comparative Communism (i.e. Communism in other countries and international Communism), is somewhat more selective. Anti-Communism is covered selectively, with more emphasis on its interaction with Communism than its nature as a movement/ideology per se. Coverage of related topics, i.e. the labor movement, Marxism, other strains of American radicalism, etc., is highly selective and largely limited to items relevant to American Communism. Coverage of current reportage (newspapers, news weeklies, journals of opinion, Internet/www discussion lists, etc.) is also highly selective, and largely avoids partisan commentary and exchanges. For more timely coverage see the Newsletter of the Historians of American Communism and the recently established (2003) Historians of American Communism Discussion List (h-hoac@h.net.msu.edu—to subscribe: http://www2.h-net.msu.edu/ hoac). Items cited are from the calendar year in the Bibliography’s title, with two exceptions—Internet/www items, where publication/creation date information is often unavailable or indeterminate (however, the date of bibliographer’s site visit will always be provided), and older items not cited in previous years’ ACH Bibliographies. Selected informational annotations are provided, principally where a work’s title does not convey essential (chronological, geographical, name or subject) information. The Bibliography is organized into 10 format -based sections, listed below. Within each section (if the number of entries is sufficiently large), the citations are organized into two sub-sections, United States and Comparative, each arranged alphabetically. There is no index. Suggested entries are always welcome, especially those for archival, electronic, non-print, and unpublished materials, and for those more ephemeral, esoteric, or tangentially relevant items which are unlikely to be retrieved through the standard bibliographies, databases, or indexes. Please provide a full citation (for Internet/web items this includes a URL) and a one-sentence annotation where the title does not directly convey the item’s relevance to ACH.
33 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a comprehensive approach to explain how political cultures change, embracing endogenous and exogenous factors, is proposed, where the authors look at peace mobilizations in Italy as a case study, which allows examination of the interactions of the two political cultures of Marxism and Catholicism.
Abstract: Political cultures have usually been studied as static and perhaps monolithic. If any attention has been dedicated to how political cultures change it has been devoted to exogenous factors. In recent years, however, some authors have advocated exploring the role of endogenous factors. In this article, we reflect on the advantages of a comprehensive approach to explaining how political cultures change, embracing endogenous and exogenous factors. We look at peace mobilizations in Italy as a case study, which allows examination of the interactions of the two political cultures of Marxism and Catholicism. Our work suggests some provisional theories about the dynamics that lead to hybridization between different political families. These dynamics can be understood through the genealogy of a ‘grammar of responsibility’. We argue that the factors that condition change in political culture relate to both the national and the international political context. We also show how these processes of change occur as a re...
29 citations
Cites background from "The Left After May 1968 and the Lon..."
...Catholic pacifism remained strongly ‘contaminated’ by the vision ‘of total revolution and of creation of a new person, wholly human in that he or she is liberated from the dehumanizing constraints with which modern capitalism weighs down humanity at the present time’ (Boltanski, 2002, p. 6)....
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