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The nature of human values

01 Jan 1973-
About: The article was published on 1973-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 9362 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Values scale & Personality.
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, evidence from past research and insights from an exploratory investigation are combined in a conceptual model that defines and relates price, perceived quality, and perceived value for a product.
Abstract: Evidence from past research and insights from an exploratory investigation are combined in a conceptual model that defines and relates price, perceived quality, and perceived value. Propositions ab...

13,713 citations

Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the universals in the content and structure of values, concentrating on the theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries, and its four basic issues: substantive contents of human values; identification of comprehensive set of values; extent to which the meaning of particular values was equivalent for different groups of people; and how the relations among different values was structured.
Abstract: Publisher Summary This chapter addresses the universals in the content and structure of values, concentrating on the theoretical advances and empirical tests in 20 countries, and its four basic issues: substantive contents of human values; identification of comprehensive set of values; extent to which the meaning of particular values was equivalent for different groups of people; and how the relations among different values was structured. Substantial progress has been made toward resolving each of these issues. Ten motivationally distinct value types that were likely to be recognized within and across cultures and used to form value priorities were identified. Set of value types that was relatively comprehensive, encompassing virtually all the types of values to which individuals attribute at least moderate importance as criteria of evaluation was demonstrated. The evidence from 20 countries was assembled, showing that the meaning of the value types and most of the single values that constitute them was reasonably equivalent across most groups. Two basic dimensions that organize value systems into an integrated motivational structure with consistent value conflicts and compatibilities were discovered. By identifying universal aspects of value content and structure, the chapter has laid the foundations for investigating culture-specific aspects in the future.

12,151 citations


Cites background or methods from "The nature of human values"

  • ...Responses to the Rokeach Value Survey (Rokeach, 1973), or to variants of it, supported the assumption that individuals in seven different countries experienced the first seven values types as distinct....

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  • ...Values, understood this way, differ from attitudes primarily in their generality or abstractness (feature 3) and in their hierarchical ordering by importance (feature 5) (cf. Bem, 1970, and Rokeach, 1973, but contrast Levy and Guttman, 1974)....

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  • ...Achievement values are mentioned in many sources (e.g., Maslow, 1959; Rokeach, 1973; Scott, 1965)....

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  • ...Lovejoy , 1950; Rescher, 1969) and by psychologists (e.g., Braithwaite & Law, 1985; Feather, 1975; Rokeach, 1973), although some have doubted its validity (e.g., Dewey, 1957)....

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  • ...Values from the Rokeach (1973) survey and from instruments developed in other cultures (e.g., Braithwaite & Law, 1985; Chinese Culture Connection, 1987; Hofstede, 1980; Levy & Guttman, 1974; MUNO, 1985) were considered....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A new stress model called the model of conservation of resources is presented, based on the supposition that people strive to retain, project, and build resources and that what is threatening to them is the potential or actual loss of these valued resources.
Abstract: Major perspectives concerning stress are presented with the goal of clarifying the nature of what has proved to be a heuristic but vague construct. Current conceptualizations of stress are challenged as being too phenomenological and ambiguous, and consequently, not given to direct empirical testing. Indeed, it is argued that researchers have tended to avoid the problem of defining stress, choosing to study stress without reference to a clear framework. A new stress model called the model of conservation of resources is presented as an alternative. This resource-oriented model is based on the supposition that people strive to retain, project, and build resources and that what is threatening to them is the potential or actual loss of these valued resources. Implications of the model of conservation of resources for new research directions are discussed.

9,782 citations


Cites background from "The nature of human values"

  • ...Because those things that people value and the ways in which they perceive the world are basic to their sense of self (Erikson, 1963; May, 1950; Rokeach, 1973), perceptions may not be so pliable....

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  • ...In this regard, Rokeach (1973) provided ample evidence for common (i.e., normative) values within like cultures or groups, and scaling of life events provides evidence that an agreed-on set of weights can be applied to events ranging from the most benign to the most extreme (Holmes & Rahe, 1967)....

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  • ...Phrasing this as an empirical question, I would suggest that people's resource assessments are derived, in part, from their basic values (Rokeach, 1973) and developmental history, that is, what they have learned through experience to be valuable to them....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The recent proliferation of research on collective action frames and framing processes in relation to social movements indicates that framing processes have come to be regarded, alongside resource mobilization and political opportunity processes, as a central dynamic in understanding the character and course of social movements.
Abstract: ■ Abstract The recent proliferation of scholarship on collective action frames and framing processes in relation to social movements indicates that framing processes have come to be regarded, alongside resource mobilization and political opportunity processes, as a central dynamic in understanding the character and course of social movements. This review examines the analytic utility of the framing literature for un- derstanding social movement dynamics. We first review how collective action frames have been conceptualized, including their characteristic and variable features. We then examine the literature related to framing dynamics and processes. Next we review the literature regarding various contextual factors that constrain and facilitate framing processes. We conclude with an elaboration of the consequences of framing processes for other movement processes and outcomes. We seek throughout to provide clarifi- cation of the linkages between framing concepts/processes and other conceptual and theoretical formulations relevant to social movements, such as schemas and ideology.

7,717 citations


Cites background from "The nature of human values"

  • ...Research on values and beliefs indicates that they are typically arrayed in a hierarchy (Rokeach 1973, Williams 1970)....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors argues that culture influences action not by providing the ultimate values toward which action is oriented, but by shaping a repertoire or "tool kit" of habits, skills, and styles from which people construct "strategies of action."
Abstract: Culture influences action not by providing the ultimate values toward which action is oriented, but by shaping a repertoire or "tool kit" of habits, skills, and styles from which people construct "strategies of action." Two models of cultural influence are developed, for settled and unsettled cultural periods. In settled periods, culture independently influences action, but only by providing resources from which people can construct diverse lines of action. In unsettled cultural periods, explicit ideologies directly govern action, but structural opportunities for action determine which among competing ideologies survive in the long run. This alternative view of culture offers new opportunities for systematic, differentiated arguments about culture's causal role in shaping action. The reigning model used to understand culture's effects on action is fundamentally misleading. It assumes that culture shapes action by supplying ultimate ends or values toward which action is directed, thus making values the central causal element of culture. This paper analyzes the conceptual difficulties into which this traditional view of culture leads and offers an alternative model. Among sociologists and anthropologists, debate has raged for several academic generations over defining the term "culture." Since the seminal work of Clifford Geertz (1973a), the older definition of culture as the entire way of life of a people, including their technology and material artifacts, or that (associated with the name of Ward Goodenough) as everything one would need to know to become a functioning member of a society, have been displaced in favor of defining culture as the publicly available symbolic forms through which people experience and express meaning (see Keesing, 1974). For purposes of this paper, culture consists of such symbolic vehicles of meaning, including beliefs, ritual practices, art forms, and ceremonies, as well as informal cultural practices such as language, gossip, stories, and rituals of daily life. These symbolic forms are the means through which "social processes of sharing modes of behavior and outlook within [a] community" (Hannerz, 1969:184) take place.

6,869 citations