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The Penn World Table (Mark 5): An Expanded Set of International Comparisons, 1950-1987
TL;DR: The Penn World Table as discussed by the authors is a set of national accounts economic time series covering many countries and its expenditure entries are denominated in common set of prices in a common currency so that real quantity comparisons can be made, both between countries and over time.
Abstract: The Penn World Table displays a set of national accounts economic time series covering many countries. Its expenditure entries are denominated in a common set of prices in a common currency so that real quantity comparisons can be made, both between countries and over time. It also provides information about relative prices within and between countries, as well as demographic data and capital stock estimates. This updated, revised, and expanded Mark 5 version of the table includes more countries, years, and variables of interest to economic researchers. The Table is available on personal computer diskettes and through BITNET.
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TL;DR: In this article, a unit root test for dynamic heterogeneous panels based on the mean of individual unit root statistics is proposed, which converges in probability to a standard normal variate sequentially with T (the time series dimension) →∞, followed by N (the cross sectional dimension)→∞.
12,838 citations
Cites background from "The Penn World Table (Mark 5): An E..."
...However, over the past decade a number of important panel data set covering different industries, regions, or countries over relatively long time spans have become available, the most prominent example of which is the Summers and Heston (1991) data....
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TL;DR: These projections represent a set of three visions of the future for population health, based on certain explicit assumptions, which enable us to appreciate better the implications for health and health policy of currently observed trends, and the likely impact of fairly certain future trends.
Abstract: Background Global and regional projections of mortality and burden of disease by cause for the years 2000, 2010, and 2030 were published by Murray and Lopez in 1996 as part of the Global Burden of Disease project. These projections, which are based on 1990 data, continue to be widely quoted, although they are substantially outdated; in particular, they substantially underestimated the spread of HIV/AIDS. To address the widespread demand for information on likely future trends in global health, and thereby to support international health policy and priority setting, we have prepared new projections of mortality and burden of disease to 2030 starting from World Health Organization estimates of mortality and burden of disease for 2002. This paper describes the methods, assumptions, input data, and results. Methods and Findings Relatively simple models were used to project future health trends under three scenarios—baseline, optimistic, and pessimistic—based largely on projections of economic and social development, and using the historically observed relationships of these with cause-specific mortality rates. Data inputs have been updated to take account of the greater availability of death registration data and the latest available projections for HIV/AIDS, income, human capital, tobacco smoking, body mass index, and other inputs. In all three scenarios there is a dramatic shift in the distribution of deaths from younger to older ages and from communicable, maternal, perinatal, and nutritional causes to noncommunicable disease causes. The risk of death for children younger than 5 y is projected to fall by nearly 50% in the baseline scenario between 2002 and 2030. The proportion of deaths due to noncommunicable disease is projected to rise from 59% in 2002 to 69% in 2030. Global HIV/AIDS deaths are projected to rise from 2.8 million in 2002 to 6.5 million in 2030 under the baseline scenario, which assumes coverage with antiretroviral drugs reaches 80% by 2012. Under the optimistic scenario, which also assumes increased prevention activity, HIV/AIDS deaths are projected to drop to 3.7 million in 2030. Total tobacco-attributable deaths are projected to rise from 5.4 million in 2005 to 6.4 million in 2015 and 8.3 million in 2030 under our baseline scenario. Tobacco is projected to kill 50% more people in 2015 than HIV/AIDS, and to be responsible for 10% of all deaths globally. The three leading causes of burden of disease in 2030 are projected to include HIV/AIDS, unipolar depressive disorders, and ischaemic heart disease in the baseline and pessimistic scenarios. Road traffic accidents are the fourth leading cause in the baseline scenario, and the third leading cause ahead of ischaemic heart disease in the optimistic scenario. Under the baseline scenario, HIV/AIDS becomes the leading cause of burden of disease in middle- and low-income countries by 2015. Conclusions These projections represent a set of three visions of the future for population health, based on certain explicit assumptions. Despite the wide uncertainty ranges around future projections, they enable us to appreciate better the implications for health and health policy of currently observed trends, and the likely impact of fairly certain future trends, such as the ageing of the population, the continued spread of HIV/AIDS in many regions, and the continuation of the epidemiological transition in developing countries. The results depend strongly on the assumption that future mortality trends in poor countries will have a relationship to economic and social development similar to those that have occurred in the higher-income countries.
10,090 citations
Cites methods from "The Penn World Table (Mark 5): An E..."
...For earlier years, income series for WHO Member States were estimated using information from the Penn World Tables [14,15] and, for some missing years, using growth rates of real GDP per capita in local currency units....
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TL;DR: This paper showed that differences in physical capital and educational attainment can only partially explain the variation in output per worker, and that a large amount of variation in the level of the Solow residual across countries is driven by differences in institutions and government policies.
Abstract: Output per worker varies enormously across countries. Why? On an accounting basis, our analysis shows that differences in physical capital and educational attainment can only partially explain the variation in output per worker--we find a large amount of variation in the level of the Solow residual across countries. At a deeper level, we document that the differences in capital accumulation, productivity, and therefore output per worker are driven by differences in institutions and government policies, which we call social infrastructure. We treat social infrastructure as endogenous, determined historically by location and other factors captured in part by language.
7,208 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used indicators of trust and civic norms from the World Values Surveys for a sample of 29 market economies and found that membership in formal groups is not associated with trust or with improved economic performance.
Abstract: This paper presents evidence that "social capital" matters for measurable economic performance, using indicators of trust and civic norms from the World Values Surveys for a sample of 29 market economies. Memberships in formal groups—Putnam's measure of social capital—is not associated with trust or with improved economic performance. We find trust and civic norms are stronger in nations with higher and more equal incomes, with institutions that restrain predatory actions of chief executives, and with better-educated and ethnically homogeneous populations.
6,894 citations
Cites background from "The Penn World Table (Mark 5): An E..."
...Growth, investment, and investment goods prices are all from the Penn World Tables version 5.6 [Summers and Heston 1991]....
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TL;DR: This paper found that trade has a quantitatively large and robust, though only moderately statistically significant, positive effect on income and that countries' geographic characteristics have important effects on trade, and are plausibly uncorrelated with other determinants of income.
Abstract: Examining the correlation between trade and income cannot identify the direction of causation between the two. Countries’ geographic characteristics, however, have important effects on trade, and are plausibly uncorrelated with other determinants of income. This paper therefore constructs measures of the geographic component of countries’ trade, and uses those measures to obtain instrumental variables estimates of the effect of trade on income. The results provide no evidence that ordinary least-squares estimates overstate the effects of trade. Further, they suggest that trade has a quantitatively large and robust, though only moderately statistically significant, positive effect on income. (JEL F43, 040)
5,537 citations
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TL;DR: The Penn World Table (Mark 4) as mentioned in this paper is a completely revised and updated expansion of an equivalent table published by the authors in 1984, drawing on the data of two previously unavailable international comparison benchmark studies.
Abstract: A new set of international comparisons covering the period 1950–85 is developed here for 121 market and 9 centrally planned economies. This new so-called Penn World Table (Mark 4), a completely revised and updated expansion of an equivalent table published by the authors in 1984, draws on the data of two previously unavailable international comparison benchmark studies. This article presents a detailed description of all estimation procedures, and excerpts from the overall DATA TABLE covering two years, 1980 and 1985. Three computer diskettes accompanying this article (and also available from the authors) contain the complete 36–year, 60,000 entry DATA TABLE in a form that economizes on scarce journal space and is immediately machine-readable. For the 121 market economies, the DATA TABLE gives annually, in addition to population and exchange rates, real product and price level estimates for four different national income concepts, and for the major subaggregates, consumption, investment, and government. Only population and real gross domestic product estimates are given for the nine centrally planned economies, however.
This new table is one more step toward the goal of establishing a new worldwide System of Real National Accounts.
1,165 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a set of international comparisons is developed for 124 countries over the three post World War II decades, 1950-80, and a Data Table is presented which gives, for most countries and most years, real product estimates for three different national income concepts and for the major subaggregates consumption, investment and government.
Abstract: A set of international comparisons is developed for 124 countries over the three post World War II decades, 1950-80. A Data Table is presented which gives, for most countries and most years, real product estimates for three different national income concepts and for the major subaggregates consumption, investment, and government. Detailed comparative price level estimates are provided as well.
360 citations
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01 Jan 1983TL;DR: The authors found that a large part of the differences in price levels can be explained by structural factors such as real GDP per capita, the degree of openness of the economy, and the share of nontradable goods in output.
Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to call attention to the need for a theory of comparative national price levels and to explore some of the elements that seem to belong to such a theory. Most theoretical discussions have maintained that national price levels tend towards equality and focus on presumably temporary divergences from equality. Yet strong evidence has been accumulating that there are large and long-standing differences inprice levels, the highest of which are more than twice those of countries with the lowest prices. Long-run price level differences are most clearly related to levels of real per capita output, with richer countries having higher price levels.These differences have been explained as resulting from greater advantages in productivity for the wealthier countries in goods production, mostly tradable, than in services production, mostly nontradable. The differences in relative productivity may be in total factor productivity or only in labor productivity, reflecting the greater capital intensity of goods production and possibly a higher elasticity of substitution between capital and labor in goods production.We find in the empirical analysis that a large part of the differences in price levels can be explained by structural factors such as real GDP per capita, the degree of openness of the economy, and the share of nontradable goods in output. The only non-structural factor emerging from a preliminary analysis of several of these was the rate of growth of the quantity of money.
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