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The phenomenology of the diagnostic process: A primary-care based survey

TL;DR: Cognitive strategies used by GPs for making a diagnosis are investigated to suggest that GPs organize their search for information in a skillfully adapted way and the testing of specific disease hypotheses seems to play a lesser role than previously thought.
Abstract: Background. While dichotomous tasks and related cognitive strategies have been extensively researched in cognitive psychology, little is known about how primary care practitioners (general practitioners [GPs]) approach ill-defined or polychotomous tasks and how valid or useful their strategies are. Objective. To investigate cognitive strategies used by GPs for making a diagnosis. Methods. In a cross-sectional study, we videotaped 282 consultations, irrespective of presenting complaint or final diagnosis. Reflective interviews were performed with GPs after each consultation. Recordings of consultations and GP interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using a coding system that was based on published literature and systematically checked for reliability. Results. In total, 134 consultations included 163 diagnostic episodes. Inductive foraging (i.e., the initial, patient-guided search) could be identified in 91% of consultations. It contributed an average 31% of cues obtained by the GP in 1 consultat...

Summary (3 min read)

Introduction

  • To investigate cognitive strategies used by GPs for making a diagnosis.
  • Video recordings and interviews presumably interfered with GPs’ behavior and accounts.
  • This may result in an iterative process of rejection and reformulation hypotheses until an adequate conclusion has been found.

MEDICAL DECISION MAKING/JANUARY 2017 27

  • Inductive foraging refers to an initial open search for information guided by the patient.
  • This stage usually starts with an open prompt by the physician, giving the patient the opportunity to elaborate on his or her problem.
  • For the first time, the authors here report empirical data about the occurrence of this and related strategies .
  • Based on their data, the authors propose a phenomenology that has implications for the generalist setting and any other setting where a large number of diagnostic possibilities must be considered.

METHODS

  • Twelve full-time GPs in the Marburg-Biedenkopf district of Hessen, Germany, were asked to take part in the study and all agreed to participate.
  • GPs elaborated on their first impression and previous knowledge of each patient, as well as diagnostic hypotheses considered.
  • After completing this phase, the authors tested the reliability of their coding procedure on 3 consultations and 3 interviews, all randomly selected.
  • Two authors (ND-B and GG) developed the general design of the study.
  • Two authors (MV and AW) collected data in participating practices and lead interviews with GPs, and 2 qualified physicians (JS, AMS) coded and analyzed the text material.

Participating GPs and Patients

  • On average, they were 53 years old and had been in primary care practice for 21 years (for details, see Table 2).
  • After the exclusion of consultations with technically unsatisfactory recordings and/or without diagnostic content, 134 consultations with 163 diagnostic episodes were available for analysis .
  • Practices contributed between 3 and 16 consultations with diagnostic content.

Inductive Foraging

  • Inductive foraging (i.e., the initial search guided by the patient) could be identified in 122 (91%) consultations .
  • In 5 of the remaining 12 cases, the beginning of the consultation was not recorded for technical reasons.
  • Inductive foraging is thus likely to occur even more frequently.
  • GPs employed several tactics to support patients in their foraging for complaints and symptoms; paraphrasing, verbal prompts, and nonverbal encouragements were the most frequently used.

Triggered Routines and Descriptive Questions

  • The authors identified an intermediate stage in the diagnostic process in which GPs explored a limited problem area.
  • GPs consistently used these ‘‘triggered routines’’ for identical symptoms .
  • GPs asked descriptive questions in 137 (84%) diagnostic episodes.
  • A physical examination was conducted in 120 (89%) consultations.

Relative Contribution of Cognitive Strategies

  • Occurrence and duration of the aforementioned strategies differed by GP and consultation.
  • In the subsample of consultations analyzed quantitatively by diagnostic cues, inductive foraging contributed an average of 31% of diagnostic cues presented in each consultation/episode.
  • Only 12% of cues were obtained by hypothesis testing (see Table 4).

DISCUSSION

  • In their study of 134 consultations, the authors found that GPs use inductive foraging, triggered routines, and hypothesis testing for the diagnostic evaluation of their patients.
  • The contribution of focused hypotheses testing was limited, whereas the more open strategies, such as inductive foraging, descriptive questions, or triggered routines, contributed the majority of diagnostic cues obtained by GPs.

How to Explain the Limited Reliance on Hypothesis Testing: Adaptive Cognitive Strategies

  • It may be surprising that GPs organized their information search using specific hypotheses in only 39% of consultations and obtained an average of 12% of cues this way.
  • In contrast, individuals in complex and uncertain environments have repeatedly been shown to employ fast and frugal strategies adapted to their setting.
  • With inductive foraging, GPs are especially receptive to patients leading them to areas of concern.
  • Focused hypothesis testing as a cognitively more demanding strategy is used only if relevant information is still lacking.
  • Once the GPs decide to evaluate specific hypotheses, they inevitably control the communication with the patient by asking closed questions.

Comparison with the Literature

  • In their seminal study, Elstein and others3,10 showed that hypotheses form early in the minds of physicians taking a history from a patient and guide subsequent data gathering.
  • He already observed that hypothesis testing was rare and felt that searching for data served the purpose of evoking further hypotheses rather than testing them.
  • They included the inductive foraging stage under the heading of ‘‘presenting complaint.’’.
  • The strategies that Heneghan and others7 proposed for the refinement stage (e.g., restricted rule-outs or stepwise refinement) could not be reliably identified in their sample of GPs who were not previously primed to use these categories.
  • 14,15 Instead, the authors postulate a positive role for triggered routines and descriptive questions: they help explore areas of interest that emerge during the consultation when data collection guided by specific hypotheses would unnecessarily reduce the problem space.

Strengths and Weaknesses

  • The authors research differs from most published work in this field in that the authors investigated real patientphysician encounters.
  • The authors iteratively developed clear definitions for the concepts studied, resulting in a concise format (see Table 1).
  • One can surmise that cues obtained by triggered routines or hypothesis testing were more important for the diagnosis than those provided during inductive foraging.
  • Physicians use a broad spectrum of mental processes to assess what is wrong with their patients.
  • The authors regard their combination of observed GPs’ behavior and subsequent reflective interviews as a valid way to triangulate findings on a difficult research topic.

CONCLUSION

  • Based on their analysis of 134 consultations by experienced practitioners, the authors propose the sequence of inductive foraging, descriptive questioning, triggered routines, and deductive testing as strategies ORIGINAL ARTICLE 33 adapted to primary care and other generalist settings.
  • The authors findings also have implications for teaching.
  • Feedback and examination formats tend to be biased toward hypothesis testing and a directive style of inquiry.
  • By allowing the patient to control the initial data collection process and taking control only at later stages, GPs adapt to a setting with multiple diagnostic possibilities.
  • The worlds of patient-centered medicine and diagnostic reasoning can thereby be reconciled.

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The Phenomenology of the Diagnostic Process:
A Primary Care–Based Survey
Norbert Donner-Banzhoff, MD, MSc, Judith Seidel, MD, Anna Maria Sikeler, MD,
Stefan Bo
¨
sner, MD, MPH, Maria Vogelmeier, MD, Anja Westram, PhD,
Markus Feufel, PhD, Wolfgang Gaissmaier, PhD, Odette Wegwarth, PhD,
Gerd Gigerenzer, PhD
Background. While dichotomous tasks and related cogni-
tive strategies have been extensively researched in cogni-
tive psychology, little is known about how primary care
practitioners (general practitioners [GPs]) approach ill-
defined or polychotomous tasks and how valid or useful
their strategies are. Objective. To investigate cognitive
strategies used by GPs for making a diagnosis. Methods.
In a cross-sectional study, we videotaped 282 consulta-
tions, irrespective of presenting complaint or final diag-
nosis. Reflective interviews were performed with GPs
after each consultation. Recordings of consultations and
GP interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed
using a coding system that was based on published litera-
ture and systematically checked for reliability. Results.In
total, 134 consultations included 163 diagnostic episodes.
Inductive foraging (i.e., the initial, patient-guided search)
could be identified in 91% of consultations. It contribu-
ted an average 31% of cues obtained by the GP in 1
consultation. Triggered routines and descriptive ques-
tions occurred in 38% and 84% of consultations, respec-
tively. GPs resorted to hypothesis testing, the hallmark of
the hypothetico-deductive method, in only 39% of con-
sultations. Limitations. Video recordings and interviews
presumably interfered with GPs’ behavior and accounts.
GPs might have pursued more hypotheses and collected
more information than usual. Conclusions. The testing of
specific disease hypotheses seems to play a lesser role
than previously thought. Our data from real consultations
suggest that GPs organize their search for information in
a skillfully adapted way. Inductive foraging, triggered
routines, descriptive questions, and hypotheses testing
are essential building blocks to make a diagnosis in
the generalist setting. Key words: general practice;
decision making; hypothesis testing; qualitative research;
diagnosis, family medicine; cues. (Med Decis Making
2017;37:27–34)
M
aking a diagnosis is perhaps the most intellec-
tually challenging task of the physician. Often
within minutes or even seconds, experienced physi-
cians manage to narrow the range of possible diseases.
While invasive and costly diagnostic procedures are
widely debated by researchers and health planners, it
is the patient’s history that provides the most impor-
tant material for this task.
1
To a physician making a diagnostic assessment,
plenty of information is available, ranging from the
patient’s utterances, knowledge of the patient’s his-
tory, disease prevalences, visual impression of the
patient, and findings from the physical examination.
Given the limited capacity of the human brain and
that much information is noise,
2
physicians can and
should process only part of it. But how do they collect,
select, and, inevitably, ignore information? When do
they stop and when do they continue to collect more?
In medicine, the most influential model of the diag-
nostic process has perhaps been the hypothetico-
deductive method proposed by Elstein and others.
3
According to this view, early in the encounter with the
patient, physicians form diagnostic hypotheses in
their minds. These guide further data collection,
which aims at confirmation or disconfirmation of pos-
sible explanations for the patient’s problem. This may
result in an iterative process of rejection and reformu-
lation hypotheses until an adequate conclusion has
been found.
4
It remains unclear, however, which processes
precede the formulation of the first hypothesis.
Once they are entertaining one or more hypotheses,
physicians have narrowed the range of possible
Ó The Author(s) 2016
Reprints and permission:
http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0272989X16653401
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
MEDICAL DECISION MAKING/JANUARY 2017 27
Konstanzer Online-Publikations-System (KOPS)
URL: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-0-354508
Erschienen in: Medical Decision Making ; 37 (2017), 1. - S. 27-34
https://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0272989X16653401

explanations from several hundreds, or even thou-
sands, to perhaps 3 or 4 at most. This reduction of
uncertainty must be regarded as a considerable
achievement, especially in generalist settings, such
as primary care or hospital emergency departm ents.
We have proposed ‘‘inductive foraging’’ to have a
central role in the first stage of diagnostic data col-
lection. Inductive foraging refers to an initial open
search for information guided by the patient. This
stage usually starts with an open prompt by the
physician, giving the patient the opportunity to ela-
borate on his or her problem. It can be terminated
by the patient or by the physician interrupting the
patient.
5
Inductive foraging is more than the patient
stating a presenting complaint. With the diagnostic
task represented as the search through an almost
infinite pro blem space, inductive foraging helps
define and limit the problem space. It is only the
patient who can provide this indispensable init ial
guidance. For the first time, we here report empiri-
cal data about the occurrence of this and related
strategies (for the definition and operationalization
of strategies, see Table 1 and Figure 1).
Although the initial diagnostic assessment
achieved by physicians is important, it is difficult
to investigate, resulting in a plethora of discussion
and educational statements, but only a few empiri-
cal studies of the process itself. We therefore under-
took a survey of real-life primary care consultations.
Our objective was to explore cognitive strategies
used by general practitioners (GPs) for their diagnos-
tic assessment. Based on our data, we propose a phe-
nomenology that has implications for the generalist
setting and any other setting where a large number of
diagnostic possibilities must be considered.
METHODS
Twelve full-time GPs in the Marburg-Biedenkopf
district of Hessen, Germany, were asked to take part
in the study and all agreed to participate. We
required participants to have been in practice for at
least 5 years and to have under- or postgraduate
teaching experience.
We covered 3 ha lf-day sessions with each partici-
pating GP. Patients were included irrespective of their
symptoms or possible diagnoses. Only consultations
exclusively planned for nondiagnostic reasons, such
as chronic disease monitoring or follow-up for a previ-
ously identified problem, were excluded beforehand.
Participating GPs informed each patient about
the study and asked for written consent to partici-
pate and have his or her consultation video-
recorded. GPs were instructed not to address the
patient’s presenting complaint(s) at this stage. After
consent was obtained, consultations proceeded as
usual. Sessions were scheduled so that after each
consultation, GPs had sufficient time for a semi-
structured interview to explain their diagnostic rea-
soning. These interviews were also video-recorded.
GPs were asked to use the initial utterance by the
patient as the starting point of their reflection. GPs
elaborated on their first impression and previous
knowledge of each patient, as well as diagnostic
hypotheses considered.
Recordings of consultations and GP interviews
were transcribed verbatim. Transcripts were coded
with MAXQDA software for qualitative data analy-
sis.
6
We defined a consultation as containing a diag-
nostic episode when the patient brought up a new
complaint, which resulted in some kind of data col-
lection by the GP, such as taking a history or exam-
ining the patient.
Received 23 September 2015 from the Department of Primary Care,
Philipps University of Marburg, Marburg, Germany (ND-B, JS, AMS,
SB, MV); Harding Center for Risk Literacy, Max-Planck-Institute for
Human Development, Berlin, Germany (AW, MF, OW, GG); and
Department of Psychology, University of Konstanz, Konstanz,
Germany (WG). This research was supported by the German
Research Foundation (DFG) with grants DO 513/2-1 and GI 170/8-1.
All authors have completed the Unified Competing Interest form at
www.icmje.org/coi_disclosure.pdf (available on request from the cor-
responding author) and declare that ND-B, JS, AMS, SB, MV, AW,
MF, WG, OW, and GG have no relationships with companies that
might have an interest in the submitted work in the previous 3 years;
their spouses, partners, or children have no financial relationships that
may be relevant to the submitted work; and ND-B, JS, AMS, SB, MV,
AW, MF, WG, OW, and GG have no nonfinancial interests that may
be relevant to the submitted work. The funder of the study had not
influence on study design, collection, analysis, and interpretation of
data; on the writing of the report; or the decision to submit the article
for publication. All authors had full access to all of the data in the
study and can take responsibility for the integrity of the data and the
accuracy of the data analysis. The lead author (ND-B) affirms that this
manuscript is an honest, accurate, and transparent account of the
study being reported; that no important aspects of the study have
been omitted; and that any discrepancies from the study as planned
have been explained. Data sharing: no additional data available.
Revision accepted for publication 13 May 2016.
Supplementary material for this article is available on the Medical
Decision Making Web site at http://mdm.sagepub.com/supplemental.
Address correspondence to Stefan Bo
¨
sner, MD, Department of
Primary Care, Philipps University of Marburg, Karl-von-Frisch-Str. 4,
D-35043 Marburg, Germany; telephone: +49 6421 286 5122; fax:
+49 6421 286 5121; e-mail: boesner@staff.uni-marburg.de.
DONNER-BANZHOFF AND OTHERS
28
MEDICAL DECISION MAKING/JANUARY 2017

Table 1 Cognitive Strategies: Definitions and Operationalization
Definition Operationalization Illustrative Example
Inductive foraging The patient is guiding the
physician to relevant
problem areas. Search of a
wide problem space is thus
possible (see Figure 1a).
This is the only phase
controlled by the patient.
Open question or invitation
by physician regarding the
reason for visit; subsequent
time period with patient
elaborating spontaneously.
Usually occurs at the
beginning of the
consultation but
occasionally marking the
beginning of a second
diagnostic episode within
the same consultation.
Terminated either by the
patient pausing or
suggesting a diagnosis
himself or herself or by the
physician interrupting,
usually with a closed
question.
GP: What brings you here
today?
Patient: What I mentioned
before; I stop breathing at
night.
GP: Yes.
Patient: While I’m sleeping. .
. . My wife says, when it
happens, it happens
several times, and it takes
30 seconds until after she
has given me a kick, until I
start breathing again.
GP: Are you snoring?
[continued below
‘hypothesis testing’’]
(0310-P)
Descriptive questioning Physician obtains
descriptions of symptoms
or problems. Phase
controlled by physician.
Closed questions aiming at
descriptions of a symptom
or problem already
mentioned by the patient.
GP: And where, exactly, do
you feel the pain? (0212-P)
Triggered routines Physician obtains
information on problem
area becoming relevant
because of symptom or
problem mentioned by
patient (see Figure 1b).
Phase controlled by
physician.
Closed questions, exploring
a problem area, such as an
organ system. Triggered by
symptoms mentioned by
the patient. Formal clinical
prediction rules also fulfill
this definition.
[Patient complaining of
diarrhea] GP: Blood in your
stool?
Patient: No.
GP: Do you feel sick?
Vomiting?
Patient: Not really, but I feel
a bit funny—not all the
time though. . . . And there
was a loud noise in my
tummy last night, but
that’s gone now.
GP: OK, any temperature?
Patient: No, I didn’t take it.
(0301-P)
Hypothesis testing Physician evaluates defined
hypotheses (diseases)
potentially explaining the
patient’s problem.
Following the space
metaphor, this corresponds
to deep
digging for findings
or abnormalities
specifically associated with
hypothesis (Figure 1c).
Phase controlled by
physician.
Closed questions related to a
specific disease, aiming at
confirmation or
disconfirmation.
Hypothesis either
explicitly mentioned in
interview or questions
asked relate to a specific
disease as assessed by a
medically trained coder.
GP: Are you snoring? Has
your wife mentioned that
you snore?
Patient: [always answers in
the affirmative]
GP: How do you feel when
you get up in the morning?
Tired? Exhausted?
Patient: . . .
GP: You are saying, when
you sit comfortably, you
easily fall asleep. . . . There
is a possibility that you
have sleep apnea. (0310-P)
GP, general practitioner.
PHENOMENOLOGY OF THE DIAGNOSTIC PROCESS
ORIGINAL ARTICLE 29

Drawing from previously published work,
3,5,7
we
developed a coding tree composed of categories
describing GPs’ diagnostic reasoning and data-
collecting behavior (available upon request).
Extensive discussion in our group and several itera-
tive loops of coding and modification of the coding
tree resulted in operational definitions of categories.
After completing this phase, we tested the reliabil-
ity of our coding procedure on 3 consultations and
3 interviews, all randomly selected. Two blinded
independent raters double-coded the material with
high reliability, resulting in a weighted mean of
84% agreement.
8
Remaining discrepancies in
coding were resolved by discussion with senior
members of the research team.
To quantify the yield of cognitive strategies, we
identified all verbal and nonverbal diagnostic cues
presented by patie nts. A cue is any piece of infor-
mation made available to the GP, either sponta-
neously or during questioning. Nonverbal cues
were usually GPs’ visual impressions and findings
from the physical examination. For this kind of
analysis, we selected a random sample of 5 consul-
tations from each practice, including GP interviews
(n = 58). In one practice, where only 3 consultations
were included, we analyzed all consultations in
this manner.
Each item of diagnostic information gathered by
the GP during the first diagnostic episode of a con-
sultation was coded irrespective of whether it was
obtained spontaneously or in response to a closed
question. Information modifying a previous cue in a
relevant way, such as the quality of pain or specific
triggers causing a symptom, was counted as a sepa-
rate cue. We could thus quantify to what degree dif-
ferent strategies contributed to the information
acquired from each patient. For each strategy, we
report frequency of occurrence within the consulta-
tion, including 95% confidence intervals.
Two authors (ND-B and GG) developed the gen-
eral design of the study. Details of the study proto-
col, such as recruitment and data collection and
analysis, were discussed by the entire study team.
Two authors (MV and AW) collected data in partici-
pating practices and lead interviews with GPs, and
2 qualified physicians (JS, AMS) coded and ana-
lyzed the text material. They were directly super-
vised by ND-B and SB. Selected text passages were
discussed by the entire team, which included
researchers with medical (ND-B, JS, AMS, SB, MV)
and cognitive psychology (WG, MAF, OW, AW, GG)
backgrounds. ND-B is the guarantor for this work.
The study obtained ethical ap proval by the Ethics
Committee of the Faculty of Medicine, University of
Marburg (39/2010).
RESULTS
Participating GPs and Patients
Of 12 participating GPs, 5 were female. On aver-
age, they were 53 years old and had been in primary
care practice for 21 years (for details, see Table 2).
After the exclusion of consultations with techni-
cally unsatisfactory recordings and/or without
diagnostic content, 134 consultations with 163 diag-
nostic episodes were available for analysis (see
flowchart in Figure 2; for patients’ characteristics,
see Table 3 and Suppl. Table SA). Practices contrib-
uted between 3 and 16 consultations with diagnos-
tic content. Their average duration was 9 minutes
59 seconds (range, 2 minutes 45 seconds to 28
Figure 1 Illustration of cognitive strategies: (a) inductive fora-
ging, (b) triggered routine, and (c) hypothesis testing. The plane
stands for the problem space of the patient. Symptoms, which
the patient would present if given enough time, are shown above
the surface (geometrical shapes). Findings accessible only by
directed questioning or search are hidden below the surface (c).
An initial search guided by the patient will lead physicians to
problem areas where directed search (‘‘digging’’) will be highly
efficient. Efficiency is lost if physicians start directed search
(hypothesis testing) too early.
DONNER-BANZHOFF AND OTHERS
30
MEDICAL DECISION MAKING/JANUARY 2017

minutes 15 seconds). Reflective interviews lasted
between 2 and 18 minutes (median, 6 minutes 35
seconds).
Inductive Foraging
Inductive foraging (i.e., the initial search guided
by the patient) could be identified in 122 (91%)
consultations (for definition and operationalization
of strategies, see Table 1 and Figure 1). In 5 of the
remaining 12 cases, the beginning of the consulta-
tion was not recorded for technical reasons.
Inductive foraging is thus likely to occur even more
frequently. The median duration of this phase was
34 seconds (range, 6–176 seconds). Inductive fora-
ging took a proportion of 14.6% (median) of diag-
nostic episodes (range, 1.7%–93.1%). See online
supplemental material for the effect of practice and
presenting symptoms (Suppl. Table SD and SE).
In diagnostic episodes beginning without induc-
tive foraging, GPs started with testing a hypothesis
derived from previous encounters or from infor ma-
tion obtained by receptionists.
In 70 (57%) cases, inductive foraging ended by
the GP interrupting the patient, usually by asking a
closed question. In 6 consultations, there was a
return to inductive foraging at a later stage .
GPs employed several tactics to support patients
in their foraging for complaints and symptoms;
paraphrasing, verbal prompts, and nonverbal
encouragements were the most frequently used.
Triggered Routines and Descriptive Questions
We identified an intermediate stage in the diag-
nostic process in which GPs explored a limited
problem area. GPs consistently used these ‘‘trig-
gered routines’’ for identical symptoms (see Table 1
and Figure 1 for definitions of strategies). This strat-
egy was observed in 62 (38%) of 163 diagnostic
episodes.
GPs asked descriptive questions in 137 (84%)
diagnostic episodes. A physical examination was
conducted in 120 (89%) consultations.
Figure 2 Flowchart of participating physicians and patients.
Table 3 Participating Patients (n = 134)
Characteristic Value
Age, mean (standard deviation), y 54.6 (4.8)
Sex: female, n (%) 85 (63)
Family, n (%)
Single/divorced/widow 47 (35)
Married/living with partner 81 (60)
Adolescent living with parents 6 (5)
Level of education,
a
n (%)
Low 31 (23)
Intermediate 73 (55 )
High 30 (22)
a. Levels defined according to German educational system: low, basic
(Hauptschule) or no secondary education; intermediate, equivalent to
O-levels (Realschule, mittlere Reife, etc.); high, graduation from gram-
mar school or equivalent (Abitur).
Table 2 Participating General Practitioners
(n = 12)
Characteristic Value
Sex: proportion female, n 5/12
Age, median (range), y 53 (49–62)
Practice, n
Single handed 2
Group (2 partners and more) 10
Years in primary care practice, median (range) 21 (9–30)
Location of practice, n
Urban—small town 9
Rural 3
PHENOMENOLOGY OF THE DIAGNOSTIC PROCESS
ORIGINAL ARTICLE 31

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TL;DR: Cognitive representations of risks (CRRs), which are defined as the subject’s images of risky situations, possible outcomes, and alternative decisions, are discussed to create a list from medical professionals’ expert knowledge of different risks.
Abstract: Medical decision-making is often related to risk and uncertainty, but existing research does not offer a comprehensive approach to this matter. We discuss the necessity to study cognitive representations of risks (CRRs), which we define as the subject’s images of risky situations, possible outcomes, and alternative decisions. The psychometric approach towards risk assessment often involves the evaluation of different risks, but we aim to create such a list from medical professionals’ expert knowledge. Via qualitative analysis, CRRs were obtained from interviews with practicing doctors from Russia (N = 24). The list includes 21 risks from real-life medical practice, with seven aspects for numerical evaluation each. Then, practicing doctors (N = 64) evaluated CRRs along with filling risk-related personality traits questionnaires: Personal Decision-Making Factors Questionnaire, Melbourne Decision Making Questionnaire, Ten Item Personality Measure, and Budner’s Intolerance of Ambiguity Scale. A correlational analysis showed interconnections between most CRRs aspects, with predictability and negative outcome probability seemingly being the central aspects of the risk assessment. CRRs aspects were also found to be gender- and experience-specific, with female doctors and younger specialists being more sensitive to professional risks. Personality traits in relation to CRRs aspects, medical experience and gender are also discussed.

17 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Besides focussing on disease in the diagnostic process, emotional and strategic goals are hidden motives that play a critical role in clinical decision-making and how GPs might control these influences provides an important aspect for further research, practice and teaching.
Abstract: Background Diagnostic decision-making is usually disease-focussed and intended to examine the patient's medical condition accurately. But diagnostic interventions may serve further purposes that are not yet fully understood. Objective To explore GPs' diagnostic behaviour not related to confirming or refuting a specific disease. Methods We recorded 295 primary care consultations in 12 practices. One hundred thirty-four consultations comprised at least one diagnostic episode. GPs were asked to reflect on their own diagnostic thinking in interviews for every single case. Qualitative and quantitative analyses were applied with focus on the GPs' cognitive processes during diagnostic decision-making. Results Primary care physicians clearly stated that they requested some tests for other reasons than diagnosing disease. A feeling of uncertainty stimulated diagnostic procedures aiming to regulate the anticipation of regret. We identified patients' reassurance, patients' requests and strategic issues as further motives for diagnostic actions. Conclusion Besides focussing on disease in the diagnostic process, emotional and strategic goals are hidden motives that play a critical role in clinical decision-making. They might even represent an initial factor in a cascade of interventions leading to overdiagnosis. How GPs might control these influences provides an important aspect for further research, practice and teaching.

14 citations


Cites background or methods from "The phenomenology of the diagnostic..."

  • ...We conducted a qualitative study about GPs’ thinking during diagnostic decision-making (2)....

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  • ...In a study about diagnostic decision-making in primary care (2), GPs admitted to perform some tests for reasons other than collecting data modifying probabilities of relevant disease....

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References
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Book
01 Jan 1999
TL;DR: Fast and frugal heuristics as discussed by the authors are simple rules for making decisions with realistic mental resources and can enable both living organisms and artificial systems to make smart choices, classifications, and predictions by employing bounded rationality.
Abstract: Fast and frugal heuristics - simple rules for making decisions with realistic mental resources - are presented here. These heuristics can enable both living organisms and artificial systems to make smart choices, classifications, and predictions by employing bounded rationality. But when and how can such fast and frugal heuristics work? What heuristics are in the mind's adaptive toolbox, and what building blocks compose them? Can judgments based simply on a single reason be as accurate as those based on many reasons? Could less knowledge even lead to systematically better predictions than more knowledge? This book explores these questions by developing computational models of heuristics and testing them through experiments and analysis. It shows how fast and frugal heuristics can yield adaptive decisions in situations as varied as choosing a mate, dividing resources among offspring, predicting high school drop-out rates, and playing the stock market.

4,384 citations


"The phenomenology of the diagnostic..." refers background in this paper

  • ...In contrast, individuals in complex and uncertain environments have repeatedly been shown to employ fast and frugal strategies adapted to their setting.(2,9) Inductive foraging and triggered routines seem to be appropriate strategies to search the problem space without premature restriction....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Research indicates that individuals and organizations often rely on simple heuristics in an adaptive way, and ignoring part of the information can lead to more accurate judgments than weighting and adding all information, for instance for low predictability and small samples.
Abstract: As reflected in the amount of controversy, few areas in psychology have undergone such dramatic conceptual changes in the past decade as the emerging science of heuristics. Heuristics are efficient cognitive processes, conscious or unconscious, that ignore part of the information. Because using heuristics saves effort, the classical view has been that heuristic decisions imply greater errors than do “rational” decisions as defined by logic or statistical models. However, for many decisions, the assumptions of rational models are not met, and it is an empirical rather than an a priori issue how well cognitive heuristics function in an uncertain world. To answer both the descriptive question (“Which heuristics do people use in which situations?”) and the prescriptive question (“When should people rely on a given heuristic rather than a complex strategy to make better judgments?”), formal models are indispensable. We review research that tests formal models of heuristic inference, including in business organizations, health care, and legal institutions. This research indicates that (a) individuals and organizations often rely on simple heuristics in an adaptive way, and (b) ignoring part of the information can lead to more accurate judgments than weighting and adding all information, for instance for low predictability and small samples. The big future challenge is to develop a systematic theory of the building blocks of heuristics as well as the core capacities and environmental structures these exploit.

2,715 citations


"The phenomenology of the diagnostic..." refers background in this paper

  • ...In contrast, individuals in complex and uncertain environments have repeatedly been shown to employ fast and frugal strategies adapted to their setting.(2,9) Inductive foraging and triggered routines seem to be appropriate strategies to search the problem space without premature restriction....

    [...]

Book
01 Jan 1978

1,600 citations


"The phenomenology of the diagnostic..." refers methods in this paper

  • ...But how do they collect, select, and, inevitably, ignore information? When do they stop and when do they continue to collect more? In medicine, the most influential model of the diagnostic process has perhaps been the hypotheticodeductive method proposed by Elstein and others.(3) According to this view, early in the encounter with the patient, physicians form diagnostic hypotheses in their minds....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI

1,460 citations


"The phenomenology of the diagnostic..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Two blinded independent raters double-coded the material with high reliability, resulting in a weighted mean of 84% agreement.(8) Remaining discrepancies in coding were resolved by discussion with senior members of the research team....

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