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Journal ArticleDOI

The return to education in terms of wealth and health

01 Nov 2018-The journal of the economics of ageing (Elsevier)-Vol. 12, pp 1-14
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the extent to which the education gradient can be explained by fully rational and efficient behavior of all social strata and proposed a life-cycle model in which the loss of body functionality, which eventually leads to death, can be accelerated by unhealthy behavior and delayed through health expenditure.
Abstract: This study presents a new view on the association between education and longevity. In contrast to the earlier literature, which focused on inefficient health behavior of the less educated, we investigate the extent to which the education gradient can be explained by fully rational and efficient behavior of all social strata. Specifically, we consider a life-cycle model in which the loss of body functionality, which eventually leads to death, can be accelerated by unhealthy behavior and delayed through health expenditure. Individuals are heterogeneous with respect to their return to education. The proposed theory rationalizes why individuals equipped with a higher return to education chose more education as well as a healthier lifestyle. When calibrated for the average male US citizen, the model motivates about 50% percent of the observable education gradient by idiosyncratic returns to education, with causality running from education to longevity. The theory also explains why compulsory schooling has comparatively small effects on longevity and why the gradient gets larger over time through improvements in medical technology.

Summary (3 min read)

1. Introduction

  • Better educated individuals are, on average, healthier and live longer than less educated people.
  • It shows that the optimal life style is governed by conditions for (i) optimal expenditure on health and unhealthy goods, (ii) optimal aging (the evolution of the expenditure profiles with age), (iii) optimal length of schooling, (iv) optimal financial management, and (v) optimal time of death.

2. Model Setup

  • Consider a young adult at the end of the compulsory schooling period.
  • At each age t, the person experiences utility from consumption of health-neutral goods c(t) and unhealthy goods u(t).
  • The feature that health-neutral and unhealthy consumption enter utility additively is harmless for the calibration since the desire for unhealthy consumption is counterbalanced by the restraint from the potential of the good to damage health.
  • The authors allow for aggregate productivity growth such that the wage per unit of human capital grows at rate gw, which is taken as given by the individual.
  • In order to utilize the findings of Mitnitski and Rockwood for the present work, I begin with differentiating the frailty law with respect to age, Ḋ (t) = µ (D (t)− E).6 Following Dalgaard and Strulik (2014), the authors assume that the factor E, which slows down exponential aging, can be increased by deliberate health expenditures.

6 In order to see that a larger autonomous component E implies less deficits at any given age, notice that the

  • If individuals’ investment in health influences E, then one may wonder if the ”frailty law” should still work empirically, as E then is expected to exhibit individual-level variation.
  • It should; but the cross-section estimate for E should be interpreted as the average level in the sample in question (see Zellner, 1969).
  • The parameter δ controls for the feedback of age on general human capital.
  • The parameters α1, α2, and δ are conceptualized as being job specific.
  • While some cognitive skills and motor skills start deteriorating around the age of 30 or even earlier, so called crystallized abilities, i.e. the ability to use knowledge and experience, remain relatively stable until most of adulthood and start declining after the age of 60, or even later.

3. Solution

  • Conceptually, however, it is hard to imagine why human capital should start to decline when individuals have “too much experience”.
  • 3. Optimal Aging. (13) These Euler equations show how optimal expenditure evolves through life.
  • The expenditure profile for health is also influenced by the curvature of the health investment function: a smaller γ implies a lower growth rate of health expenditure.
  • Inserting the respective values leads to condition (8), in which gw denotes the growth rate of the wage per unit of human capital, w(t) = w̄ exp(gwt).
  • This means that any causality behind the education gradient runs from increasing education to increasing health and longevity.

4. Calibration

  • The initial age is set to 16 years, corresponding to model-age zero, because individuals below roughly the age of 16 are not subject to increasing morbidity (Arking, 2006) and are presumably not well described by the law of increasing frailty.
  • In the following, I estimate parameter values for the average US American person.
  • Preston et al. (2010) estimate that smoking takes away 2.5 years of life-expectancy of 50 year old US males.

5. Results

  • 1. The Return to Education in Terms of Wealth and Health, and the Value of Life.
  • They show the outcome of the original experiment when the price of unhealthy goods is 2 (instead of 1).
  • Better educated people display, at any given age, better health status, i.e. fewer health deficits, in line with the evidence provided by Harttgen et al. (2013).
  • Before w investigate other potential drivers of the education gradient, it is worthwhile to note that two seemingly natural candidates are already excluded by theory, namely the time preference rate, ρ, and income for given education, that is w̄.
  • As shown in the final row of Table 1, an increase of productivity growth from 1.0 to 1.84 percent per year triggers one more year of education and, subsequently, behavioral changes, that enable a person to live about 1.7 years longer.

In all cases the experiment increases θ from 0.14 to 0.15. All other parameters from benchmark case (Figure 1).

  • During the education period, the Reference American accumulates debt of about $ 150,000.
  • Higher education has somewhat less impact on health behavior but the health gradient widens a bit because the less educated spend relatively more on unhealthy goods when demand is less price elastic.
  • Case 8 considers the adjustment via higher A.
  • These numerical experiments rationalize why the compulsory education gradient is large only when average education is low.
  • The solid line shows the predicted longevity for the Reference American (endowed with a θ of 0.14, i.e. a return of education of 6.8 percent at 13.5 years of education).

6. Conclusion

  • This study has proposed a new view on the education gradient.
  • It has assumed away any explanation based on attitudes, non-cognitive skills, and allocative or productive inefficiency of the uneducated.
  • It predicts that a person whose return to education (cognitive and non-cognitive skills) motivate one more year of education, spends more on health and less on unhealthy behavior such that the person lives about half a year longer.
  • The theory motivates an almost linear education gradient, in line with the empirical observation (Cutler and Lleras-Muney, 2010).
  • But since these skills are malleable at younger ages (see e.g. Heckman, 2006), the present study also highlights the importance of childhood development for later in life.

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Citations
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Posted Content
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: Variation across Europe in the magnitude of inequalities in health associated with socioeconomic status is observed, which might be reduced by improving educational opportunities, income distribution, health-related behavior, or access to health care.
Abstract: Comparisons among countries can help to identify opportunities for the reduction of inequalities in health. We compared the magnitude of inequalities in mortality and self-assessed health among 22 countries in all parts of Europe.

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Reference EntryDOI
TL;DR: This paper developed a human capital framework to structure the interpretation of the empirical evidence and review evidence on the causal effects of education on mortality and its two most common preventable causes: smoking and obesity.
Abstract: Education is strongly associated with better health and longer lives. However, the extent to which education causes health and longevity is widely debated. We develop a human capital framework to structure the interpretation of the empirical evidence and review evidence on the causal effects of education on mortality and its two most common preventable causes: smoking and obesity. We focus attention on evidence from randomized controlled trials, twin studies, and quasi-experiments. There is no convincing evidence of an effect of education on obesity, and the effects on smoking are only apparent when schooling reforms affect individuals’ track or their peer group, but not when they simply increase the duration of schooling. An effect of education on mortality exists in some contexts but not in others and seems to depend on (i) gender, (ii) the labor market returns to education, (iii) the quality of education, and (iv) whether education affects the quality of individuals’ peers.

86 citations

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TL;DR: A novel approach to gauge the extent to which gender differences in longevity can be attributed to gender-specific preferences and health behavior and offers also an economic explanation for why the gender gap declines with rising income.

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Cites background from "The return to education in terms of..."

  • ...The share of unhealthy consumption is decreasing with age, as observed by Strulik (2016), and consistent with the data.15 By construction, women devote, on average, a smaller share of their expenditure to unhealthy consumption....

    [...]

  • ...…the reston curve (Dalgaard and Strulik, 2014), the historical evolution f retirement (Dalgaard and Strulik, 2017), the education gradient Strulik, 2016), age-consumption profiles (Strulik, 2017), the role of daptation for health behavior and health outcomes (Schünemann t al., 2017), and…...

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article developed a human capital framework to structure the interpretation of the empirical evidence on the causal effects of education on mortality and its two most common preventable causes: smoking and obesity, focusing on evidence from Randomized Controlled Trials, twin studies, and quasi-experiments.
Abstract: Education is strongly associated with better health and longer lives. However, the extent to which education causes health and longevity is widely debated. We develop a human capital framework to structure the interpretation of the empirical evidence. We then review evidence on the causal effects of education on mortality and its two most common preventable causes: smoking and obesity. We focus attention on evidence from Randomized Controlled Trials, twin studies, and quasi-experiments. There is no convincing evidence of an effect of education on obesity, and the effects on smoking are only apparent when schooling reforms affect individuals’ track or their peer group, but not when they simply increase the duration of schooling. An effect of education on mortality exists in some contexts but not in others, and seems to depend on (i) gender; (ii) the labor market returns to education; (iii) the quality of education; and (iv) whether education affects the quality of individuals’ peers.

40 citations


Cites background or methods from "The return to education in terms of..."

  • ...A closely related model is presented in Strulik (2016), where both health and human capital are endogenously determined, and in which individuals accrue, so-called, health deficits as opposed to facing health depreciation....

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  • ...As in Galama and Van Kippersluis (2015a) and Strulik (2016), we jointly model health H(t), skill θ(t), optimal schooling S and optimal longevity T ....

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  • ...In contrast to Strulik (2016), in which the number of years spent in school is the only endogenous input into skill capital, we allow for (i) other inputs into skill capital besides schooling duration; and (ii) the possibility that the stock of skill does not increase with schooling duration if…...

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TL;DR: Having pensions, taking care of grandchildren, and communicating with children by telephone are shown to significantly improve the mental health of the rural elderly.
Abstract: With the dramatic trend of global aging, the physical and mental health of the rural elderly has attracted significant attention. Social support plays an important role in improving the health of the elderly. However, assessing the impact of social support on the physical and mental health of the elderly is challenging in rural China. This paper analyzes the impact of social support on the physical and mental health of the Chinese rural elderly based on data collected from households and village cadres. Probit, Oprobit, and ordinary least squares (OLS) are used to estimate these effects. The results show that 24.3% of the rural elderly are in bad physical health, and 32.9% of them are depressed. Physical and mental health is worse among the female elderly and among those who are in western provinces. Having pensions, taking care of grandchildren, and communicating with children by telephone are shown to significantly improve the mental health of the rural elderly. The government could promote the mental health of the rural elderly by improving public health services, increasing pensions, providing free mobile phones to elderly people in poverty, and advocating that the younger generation provide emotional support.

40 citations

References
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Journal ArticleDOI

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TL;DR: This paper showed that differences in physical capital and educational attainment can only partially explain the variation in output per worker, and that a large amount of variation in the level of the Solow residual across countries is driven by differences in institutions and government policies.
Abstract: Output per worker varies enormously across countries. Why? On an accounting basis, our analysis shows that differences in physical capital and educational attainment can only partially explain the variation in output per worker--we find a large amount of variation in the level of the Solow residual across countries. At a deeper level, we document that the differences in capital accumulation, productivity, and therefore output per worker are driven by differences in institutions and government policies, which we call social infrastructure. We treat social infrastructure as endogenous, determined historically by location and other factors captured in part by language.

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TL;DR: This article showed that the differences in capital accumulation, productivity, and therefore output per worker are driven by differences in institutions and government policies, which are referred to as social infrastructure and called social infrastructure as endogenous, determined historically by location and other factors captured by language.
Abstract: Output per worker varies enormously across countries. Why? On an accounting basis our analysis shows that differences in physical capital and educational attainment can only partially explain the variation in output per worker—we find a large amount of variation in the level of the Solow residual across countries. At a deeper level, we document that the differences in capital accumulation, productivity, and therefore output per worker are driven by differences in institutions and government policies, which we call social infrastructure. We treat social infrastructure as endogenous, determined historically by location and other factors captured in part by language. In 1988 output per worker in the United States was more than 35 times higher than output per worker in Niger. In just over ten days the average worker in the United States produced as much as an average worker in Niger produced in an entire year. Explaining such vast differences in economic performance is one of the fundamental challenges of economics. Analysis based on an aggregate production function provides some insight into these differences, an approach taken by Mankiw, Romer, and Weil [1992] and Dougherty and Jorgenson [1996], among others. Differences among countries can be attributed to differences in human capital, physical capital, and productivity. Building on their analysis, our results suggest that differences in each element of the production function are important. In particular, however, our results emphasize the key role played by productivity. For example, consider the 35-fold difference in output per worker between the United States and Niger. Different capital intensities in the two countries contributed a factor of 1.5 to the income differences, while different levels of educational attainment contributed a factor of 3.1. The remaining difference—a factor of 7.7—remains as the productivity residual. * A previous version of this paper was circulated under the title ‘‘The Productivity of Nations.’’ This research was supported by the Center for Economic Policy Research at Stanford and by the National Science Foundation under grants SBR-9410039 (Hall) and SBR-9510916 (Jones) and is part of the National Bureau of Economic Research’s program on Economic Fluctuations and Growth. We thank Bobby Sinclair for excellent research assistance and colleagues too numerous to list for an outpouring of helpful commentary. Data used in the paper are available online from http://www.stanford.edu/,chadj.

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Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: A model of the demand for the commodity "good health" is constructed and it is shown that the shadow price rises with age if the rate of depreciation on the stock of health rises over the life cycle and falls with education if more educated people are more efficient producers of health.
Abstract: The aim of this study is to construct a model of the demand for the commodity "good health." The central proposition of the model is that health can be viewed as a durable capital stock that produces an output of healthy time. It is assumed that individuals inherit an initial stock of health that depreciates with age and can be increased by investment. In this framework, the "shadow price" of health depends on many other variables besides the price of medical care. It is shown that the shadow price rises with age if the rate of depreciation on the stock of health rises over the life cycle and falls with education if more educated people are more efficient producers of health. Of particular importance is the conclusion that, under certain conditions, an increase in the shadow price may simultaneously reduce the quantity of health demanded and increase the quantity of medical care demanded.

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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss methodological issues surrounding those estimates and confirm that primary education continues to be the number one investment priority in developing countries, and also show that educating females is marginally more profitable than educating males, and that the academic secondary school curriculum is a better investment than the technical/vocational tract.

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"The return to education in terms of..." refers background in this paper

  • ...…the benchmark American attends school for 13.5 years, I adjust θ such that the marginal return to education θs−ψ equals 0.068 for s = 13.5, which is the return to schooling beyond the eighth year estimated by Psacharopoulos (1994) and since then applied by Hall and Jones (1999) and many others....

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This study presents a new view on the association between education and longevity. In contrast to the earlier literature, which focused on inefficient health behavior of the less educated, the authors investigate the extent to which the education gradient can be explained by fully rational and efficient behavior of all social strata. Specifically, the authors consider a life-cycle model in which the loss of body functionality, which eventually leads to death, can be accelerated by unhealthy behavior and delayed through health expenditure. 

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