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The Role of Tacit Knowledge in Developing Networks for Sustainable Agriculture

Nigel R Curry, +1 more
- 01 Jul 2014 - 
- Vol. 54, Iss: 3, pp 341-361
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TLDR
In this article, six types of tacit knowledge were identified as a result of working closely with a sustainable food network: the Brighton and Hove Food Partnership (B&HFP).
Abstract
Whilst objectivist epistemologies have been dominant in productivist agriculture, the local, cultural and environmental contexts of sustainable agriculture are more fully informed by constructivist epistemologies. Within constructivism, tacit knowledge - an intuitive knowledge that cannot be formalised - is explored empirically. Six types of tacit knowledge were identified as a result of working closely with a sustainable food network: the Brighton and Hove Food Partnership. Customs cohere around integrating food with other sustainable activity; developing a complex unregulated organisation requires savoir-faire. The unique character of Brighton has developed an operational folklore, and network identity is important, particularly in relation to conventional agriculture and to the city as a whole. A confidence in people's roles has helped define network development and using different discourses, communicating the network in diverse contexts, is important for understanding the network. All these tacit knowledge elements have a strong influence over the network but have to be assimilated knowledge rather than learned.

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This is a peer-reviewed, post-print (nal draft post-refereeing) version of the following published
document and is licensed under Creative Commons: Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 license:
Curry, Nigel R and Kirwan, James R ORCID: 0000-0002-4626-
9940 (2014) The Role of Tacit Knowledge in Developing
Networks for Sustainable Agriculture. Sociologia Ruralis, 54
(3). pp. 341-361. doi:10.1111/soru.12048
O$cial URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soru.12048
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soru.12048
EPrint URI: https://eprints.glos.ac.uk/id/eprint/1192
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This is a peer-reviewed, post-print (final draft post-refereeing) version of the following
published document:
Curry, Nigel and Kirwan, James R (2014) The Role of
Tacit Knowledge in Developing Networks for
Sustainable Agriculture. Sociologia Ruralis, 54 (3),
341-361.
Published in Sociologia Ruralis, and available online at:
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/soru.12048/abstract;jsessionid=2D0BB830
04A30CF302221968A96898D7.f01t02
We recommend you cite the published (post-print) version.
The URL for the published version is http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soru.12048
Disclaimer
The University of Gloucestershire has obtained warranties from all depositors as to their title
in the material deposited and as to their right to deposit such material.
The University of Gloucestershire makes no representation or warranties of commercial
utility, title, or fitness for a particular purpose or any other warranty, express or implied in
respect of any material deposited.
The University of Gloucestershire makes no representation that the use of the materials will
not infringe any patent, copyright, trademark or other property or proprietary rights.
The University of Gloucestershire accepts no liability for any infringement of intellectual
property rights in any material deposited but will remove such material from public view
pending investigation in the event of an allegation of any such infringement.
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR TEXT.

1
The role of tacit knowledge in developing networks for sustainable agriculture
Abstract
Whilst objectivist epistemologies have been dominant in productivist agriculture, the
local, cultural and environmental contexts of sustainable agriculture are more fully
informed by constructivist epistemologies. Within constructivism, tacit knowledge an
intuitive knowledge that cannot be formalised is explored empirically. Six types of tacit
knowledge were identified as a result of working closely with a sustainable food network:
the Brighton and Hove Food Partnership. Customs cohere around integrating food with
other sustainable activity; developing a complex unregulated organisation requires
savoire faire. The unique character of Brighton has developed an operational folklore,
and network identity is important, particularly in relation to conventional agriculture and
to the city as a whole. A confidence in people’s roles has helped define network
development and using different discourses, communicating the network in diverse
contexts, is important for understanding the network. All these tacit knowledge elements
have a strong influence over the network but have to be assimilated rather than learned.
1. Introduction
Much has been written from a social-scientific perspective about the content of the
knowledge required for the development of sustainable agriculture (Hendrix et al, 1992,
Lichtfouse et al, 2009, Hanayani and Prawito, 2011) and about the appropriate systems
of learning required for knowledge transfer in such development (Pretty, 1994, Röling
and Wagemakers, 1998Rather less attention has been paid to the different forms of
knowledge that have significance for the development of sustainable agriculture. Morgan
and Murdoch (2000) note that the dominance of objectivist knowledge in ‘conventional’
agriculture tends to replace ‘local’ knowledge with ‘expert’ knowledge and underplays
social, economic and cultural values. It is argued in this paper that approaching

2
sustainable agriculture through a constructivist knowledge lens allows a range of these
values within ‘sustainable’ agriculture to be more clearly identified thus improving an
understanding of the distinctive nature of sustainable agriculture. Within this
constructivist knowledge domain, the paper examines the nature of tacit knowledge
because it is claimed to offer the potential to embrace both values (Merton, 1973) and
belief systems (Polanyi (1946) explicitly, and is considered to provide a component of
‘local’ knowledge (Morgan and Murdoch, 2000). Certainly these claims for tacit
knowledge merit its examination to see if it can help make sense of some of the claimed
precepts of sustainable agriculture. This examination is developed empirically through an
English case study.
In doing this, the paper is structured in the following way. Firstly, a characterisation of
sustainable agriculture is offered as a context for forms of knowledge likely to be
important in its development. Some salient strands of objectivist and constructivist
epistemologies are then reviewed. Here, it is argued that the precepts of the objectivist
epistemology have been dominant in productivist agriculture, as ‘science’ has sought to
increase food outputs for a hungry world. But for sustainable agriculture, constructivist
epistemologies, particularly in relation to local, social, cultural and environmental
contexts, have an important role.
One manifestation of constructivist epistemology is argued to be tacit knowledge, and
this is developed for empirical study. Using the notions of tacit knowledge asserted
particularly by Polanyi (1966) and developed by Gerholm (1990), six forms are
postulated: customs; savoir faire, folklore, identity, roles and discourse. These are
evaluated in the context of negotiating sustainable agriculture values in the development
of a sustainable food strategy. Conclusions are then drawn about the relative importance
of different forms of knowledge in the development of sustainable agriculture in practice,
identified in the research.

3
The case study used is from a European Framework VII programme, designed to identify
barriers and catalysts to the development of learning and innovation networks for
sustainable agriculture.
1
Seventeen case studies of sustainable agriculture networks
were chosen across eight European countries. They were chosen because they operated
largely outside mainstream knowledge provision in agriculture and had identifiable
‘grassroots’ origins. They were termed LINSAs Learning and Innovation Networks for
Sustainable Agriculture. The case study reported here is that of the development of the
Brighton and Hove Food Strategy (Brighton and Hove Food Partnership (BHFP), 2012)
which involved the identification and interplay of a large number of stakeholders in
various networks concerned with all elements of sustainable food production and
consumption in the City.
A participatory methodology has been deployed, which advocates the involvement of
research stakeholders in the majority, if not the entirety, of the research process (Allen-
Collinson et al, 2005). Thus, specific research methods for collecting data were co-
designed by the research team and the BHFP in partnership and were played out over a
period of two years. Commonly termed research ‘co-production’, such an approach
provides experiential expertise that outside ‘experts’ on their own might not perceive
(Collins and Evans, 2007). As an ‘interpretivist’ approach (Evans et al, 2000) it commits
the researchers to understanding the social world from the perspective of those social
actors who inhabit it. It also allows participant-stakeholders’ preferences and needs to
inform the research process, leading to what Ostrom (1996) considers are potentially
better and more achievable outcomes.
Within this frame, research methods embraced interactive learning (a two-way
discursive flow of information) which included world cafes, workshops, focus groups and
1
The project, entitled Support for Learning and Innovation Networks in Sustainable Agriculture (SOLINSA) was
funded by the Seventh Framework Programme of the European Commission and ran between February 2011
and January 2014.

Citations
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Carol P. Germain
- 01 Jul 1990 - 

First the seed; the political economy of plant biotechnology

Paulo Velho
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Local and farmers' knowledge matters! How integrating informal and formal knowledge enhances sustainable and resilient agriculture

TL;DR: In this paper, the relevance of informal farmer knowledge and learning practices in constructing alternative pathways in sustainable agriculture and strengthening agricultural resilience is explored, based on 11 case studies carried out within the international RETHINK research programme.
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Framing niche-regime linkage as adaptation: An analysis of learning and innovation networks for sustainable agriculture across Europe

TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyse findings from participatory workshops with actors in 17 Learning and Innovation Networks for Sustainable Agriculture (LINSA) across Europe to reveal and contribute to an understanding of the processes that link sustainable agriculture innovation networks to the agricultural regime.
References
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Frequently Asked Questions (14)
Q1. What are the contributions in this paper?

In this paper, a case study of the Brighton and Hove Food Partnership is presented, where six types of tacit knowledge are identified as a result of working closely with a sustainable food network: customs ; savoir faire, folklore, identity, roles and discourse. 

Pretty (1994) asserts that such systems of learning need to be participatory to be effective because they must embrace the values of all. 

Because the LINSA is concerned with food consumption and its role in health as much as production, the link with agriculture can be seen as tenuous. 

Morgan and Murdoch (2000) suggest that with farmer knowledge of local farm fertilities, for example, being displaced by the ubiquity of standard and universal pesticides and fertilisers, whilst the ownership of the farm did not change, the ownership of the production of food, did. 

Objectivist knowledge is argued to be socially neutral and responds to market signals such as profitability or gross margins (Cleveland, 2001), avoiding any consideration of values outside of the market. 

For the development of sustainable agriculture in general, then, it is likely that constructivist forms of knowledge will become embraced more fully into AKSs, andobjectivist knowledge adapted to more holistic farming systems. 

Such mutual learning is often a fertile context in which new customs, cultures and value systems grow and can provide the opportunity to see ‘scientific’ knowledge in context, rather than externally imposed. 

The ‘complex’ set of objectives, values and styles of implementation in sustainable agriculture do not lend themselves well to reductionist or universalist knowledge. 

In this context, Hass (2004) defines useable knowledge as accurate information that is also useable for policymakers and politicians: it should be at the same time, credible, legitimate and timely. 

In the literature used in the development of the argument of this paper, the term knowledge is used both differently and imprecisely. 

Objectivist epistemologies thus may well tend to oversimplify the real world, be conservative because of the reputational risk of being wrong (Polanyi, 1958) and have a propensity to be indeterminate. 

Amongst the majority of participant-stakeholders, there was a folklore surrounding the unique nature of place: a sense that the LINSA happened in the way that it has, only because of the context of Brighton itself. 

There were no boundaries defining who may and may not be present at this launch but upwards of seventy people from local state bodies, voluntary organisations and commercial concerns were present. 

As well as social and economic context, Morgan and Murdoch (2000) emphasise the importance of relearning local knowledge for sustainable agriculture.