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Journal Article

The Second Amendment, political liberty, and the right to self-preservation

01 Jan 1987-Alabama law review-Vol. 39, pp 103-130
TL;DR: The Second Amendment to the United States Constitution has become the most embarrassing provision of the Bill of Rights as discussed by the authors and the federal courts have also been manifestly uncomfortable with the Second Amendment and, in recent times, have declined every opportunity to give it the same thorough consideration that is automatically given to by the other specific guarantees of the first eight amendments.
Abstract: The Second Amendment to the United States Constitution has become the most embarrassing provision of the Bill of Rights. Although crime, violence, and gun control have been among the hottest topics of political controversy over the past two decades, civil libertarians have generally shown much less enthusiasm about the Second Amendment than about other provisions of the Bill of Rights. The federal courts have also been manifestly uncomfortable with the Second Amendment and, in recent times, have declined every opportunity to give it the same thorough consideration that is automatically given to by the other specific guarantees of the first eight amendments. The lower courts generally have either adopted an interpretation that is implausible on its face, inconsistent with Supreme Court precedent, and unsupported by historical evidence about the intention of the Framers, or adhered to ancient precedents that treated the Bill of Rights as being inapplicable to the states. The Supreme Court, moreover, inscrutably denies all petitions for certiorari. Despite a growing body of literature examining the original meaning of the Second Amendment and a simmering debate over the desirability and efficacy of gun control legislation, no one has attempted to develop an interpretation of the Second Amendment that fits comfortably within the Supreme Court's modern jurisprudence of individual rights. That jurisprudence can be characterized as an ongoing attempt to reconcile what is known about the original intent underlying the Bill of Rights with the desire of legislatures to respond rationally to modern problems unforeseen at the time it was drafted. Most provisions in the Bill of Rights have been interpreted so as to advance an elaborate effort by the judiciary to act as an umpire between individuals' impulses for freedom and government's concern for the maintenance of order and public safety. And yet, just when the conflict regarding the Second Amendment is perhaps at its sharpest and most poignant, the Supreme Court has remained strangely silent. Whatever one may think about the motives, character, psychology, or intelligence of those who desire to possess firearms, the principle that those individuals assert is profoundly serious. The claim to the tools needed for exercising one's lawful right to protect himself (and perhaps especially herself) from criminal violence should be given at least as respectful a hearing as the First Amendment claims of Nazis and pornographers or the Fourth Amendment claims of confessed murderers. Although the Supreme Court finds time to busy itself with case after case involving the most minute adjustments in the constitutional rules of criminal procedure and the doctrines affecting obscenity, libel, and time, place, and manner restrictions on speech, the Second Amendment is simply ignored. This Article begins with a brief review of the evidence pertaining to the Second Amendment's original meaning and the case law that has since developed. After discussing the basic principles that should govern the application of the Second Amendment under modern conditions, the Article sketches a Second Amendment jurisprudence that is broadly consistent with the Court's modern treatment of the Bill of Rights. The Article suggests that this jurisprudence would preserve the essential freedoms that concerned the Framers while leaving modern legislatures ample means to foster public safety and the general welfare.

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Citations
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Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, a brief explication of the meaning of the Second Amendment is given and the manner in which the debate over this Amendment has been depicted in recent news accounts and proceeds to the two chief emergent critiques of Second Amendment analysis: the individualist view and the so-called right of revolution.
Abstract: This Article proceeds, first, with a brief explication of the meaning of the Second Amendment. It then examines the manner in which the debate over this Amendment has been depicted in recent news accounts and proceeds to the two chief emergent critiques of Second Amendment analysis: the individualist view and the so-called right of revolution. Following that, four collateral claims arising from and connected with the individualist and revolutionist perspectives are examined in light of an assessment of the provenance of Second Amendment writings in law journals, as is the reputed role of the Fourteenth Amendment. Finally, three explanations are offered for the emergence of this new body of writing on the Second Amendment.

18 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an originalist theory of constitutional construction that can guide and constrain judicial activity within the “construction zone.” When combined with a theory of originalism, their approach yields a unified theory of the originalism.
Abstract: The concept of constitutional construction is of central importance to originalist theory but is both underdeveloped and controversial among originalists. Some object that its apparent open-endedness undermines the constraining virtues of originalism and exposes citizens to arbitrary judicial power. In this Article, we respond to this challenge by presenting an originalist theory of constitutional construction that can guide and constrain judicial activity within the “construction zone.” When combined with an originalist theory of constitutional interpretation, our approach yields a unified theory of originalism. Our theory of constitutional construction draws upon a familiar common-law concept long used in contract and fiduciary law to handle the problem of opportunistic abuse of discretion: the duty of good faith. We contend that judges who take an oath to “support this Constitution” enter into a fiduciary relationship with private citizens—a relationship characterized by discretionary powers in the hands of judges and a corresponding vulnerability in the citizenry. As fiduciaries, judges are morally and legally bound to follow the instructions given to them in “this Constitution” in good faith. This means that judges engaging in constitutional construction (or “implementation”) must seek to give legal effect to both the Constitution’s “letter” (its original public meaning) and its “spirit” (the original function or purpose of the particular clauses and general structure of the text). Therefore, when interpretation of original meaning is not sufficient to resolve a controversy, judges have a duty to employ good-faith construction. Good-faith construction consists of (a) accurately identifying the spirit—or “original function”—of the relevant constitutional provision at the time it was enacted and (b) devising implementing rules that are calculated to give effect to both the letter and the spirit of the text in the case at hand and in future cases. Conversely, bad-faith construction consists in opportunistically using the discretion inherent in implementing the Constitution to evade its original letter or spirit in pursuit of the judge’s own extraconstitutional preferences.

15 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: Johnson as mentioned in this paper was the first to acknowledge the comments and helpful criticisms of David Caplan, Professor Robert Cottrol, Professor Raymond Diamond, Robert Dowlut and Don Kates.
Abstract: Professor of Legal Studies in Business and Taxation, Franklin and Marshall College. Of Counsel, Kirkpatrick and Lockhart. J.D. 1984, Harvard Law School, B.S.B.A. 1981, Magna Cum Laude, West Virginia University. I would like to acknowledge the comments and helpful criticisms of David Caplan, Professor Robert Cottrol, Professor Raymond Diamond, Robert Dowlut and Don Kates. All the views expressed are my own and are in no way attributable to or endorsed by the organizations with which I am affiliated. © 1992, Nicholas J. Johnson [Copyright © 1992 Nicholas J. Johnson. Originally published as 24 RUTGERS L.J. 1-81 (1992). Permission for WWW use at this site generously granted by the author. For educational use only. The printed edition remains canonical. For citational use please obtain a back issue from William S. Hein & Co., 1285 Main Street, Buffalo, New York 14209; 716-882-2600 or 800-828-7571.]

15 citations


Cites background from "The Second Amendment, political lib..."

  • ...[28] Nelson Lund, The Second Amendment, Political Liberty and the Right to Self-Preservation, 39 Ala....

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  • ...One likely explanation is that, at the time of the Amendment's adoption, America retained a predominantly rural culture with a frontier ethos, and no one had any reason to expect that a popularly elected government would have any motive to interfere with its citizens' ability to defend themselves against the hazards of everyday life.[28]...

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Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the Journal of Quantitative Criminology published a sharply critical analysis of Gary Kleck's Point Blank, and Professor Kleck wrote a lengthy response, of which the JQC published only a small part.
Abstract: In 1995, the Journal of Quantitative Criminology published a sharply critical analysis of Gary Kleck’s bookPoint Blank. Professor Kleck wrote a lengthy response, of which the Journal of Quantitative Criminology published only a small part. The following article is Kleck’s full reply, which has not appeared in print elsewhere. Professor Kleck revised the article in February 1997, for publication in the Journal on Firearms and Public Policy.

11 citations

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, the authors respond to critics of the National Self-Defense Survey, which found that there are approximately 2.5 million defensive gun uses per year in the United States.
Abstract: The author responds to critics of the National Self-Defense Survey, which found that there are approximately 2.5 million defensive gun uses per year in the United States.

11 citations


Cites background from "The Second Amendment, political lib..."

  • ...’s Assault Weapon Manufacturing Strict Liability Act, 25 (1992): 313....

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  • ...Columbia Journal of Law and Social Problems Note, Markus Boser, Go Ahead, State, Make Them Pay: An Analysis of Washington D.C.’s Assault Weapon Manufacturing Strict Liability Act, 25 (1992): 313....

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References
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01 Jan 1981
TL;DR: Halbrook as mentioned in this paper is a member of the Virginia State Bar and of several United States Courts, the author received his J.D. from Georgetown University Law Center in 1978, and his Ph.D in Philosophy from Florida State University in 1972.
Abstract: A member of the Virginia State Bar and of several United States Courts, the author received his J.D. from Georgetown University Law Center in 1978, and his Ph.D. in Philosophy from Florida State University in 1972. An attorney in private practice in Fairfax, Virginia, the author has taught philosophy of law at Tuskegee Institute, Howard University and George Mason University. The author gratefully acknowledges the encouragement given this article by the Institute for Humane Studies, and thanks Dr. David I. Caplan, Esq., Robert J. Dowlut, Esq., George S. Knight, Esq., and Joseph F. Cleary for their comments on this manuscript. 1 Moore v. East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494, 502 (1977). [Copyright © 1981 George Mason Univ. Law Review. Originally published as 4 GMU L. REV. 1-69 (1981). For educational use only. The printed edition remains canonical. For citational use please obtain a back issue from William S. Hein & Co., 1285 Main Street, Buffalo, New York 14209; 716-882-2600 or 800-828-7571. Dr. Halbrook is the author of THAT EVERY MAN BE ARMED: THE EVOLUTION OF A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT which may be obtained from www.amazon.com.]

8 citations


"The Second Amendment, political lib..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Furthermore, the experience of black Americans, particularly during the Jim Crow era, when gun control laws were used to help secure their political subordination, [31] demonstrates that the culture of this country has been capable of allowing the government to undertake serious repression of vulnerable minorities....

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  • ...[31] See Halbrook, The Jurisprudence of the Second and Fourteenth Amendments, 4 Geo....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A recent article in the National Rifle Association's magazine by Professor Stephen Halbrook, whose book on the second amendment has also just appeared, reviles certain conclusions of my article, Handgun Prohibition and the Original Meaning of the Second Amendment, published in the Michigan Law Review (the Michigan article) as "Orwellian Newspeak".
Abstract: A recent article in the National Rifle Association's magazine by Professor Stephen Halbrook, [1] whose book on the second amendment has also just appeared, [2] reviles certain conclusions of my article, Handgun Prohibition and the Original Meaning of the Second Amendment, published in the Michigan Law Review (the Michigan article) [3] as "Orwellian Newspeak." Having due regard for both the historical evidence cited in Professor Halbrook's article and the importance of his previous work in the area, [4] I have invited him to set forth his disagreement in greater detail here. At the same time, I take the opportunity to summarize my revised views as to the kinds of gun controls which the second amendment allows. First, however, I offer some discussion of a question which, although essentially preliminary, has almost completely monopolized modern discussion of the second amendment.

8 citations


"The Second Amendment, political lib..." refers background in this paper

  • ...[36] See Kates, The Second Amendment: A Dialogue, 49 Law & Contemp....

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  • ...[36] Circumstances have now changed, and caution should therefore be exercised in using modern conceptual categories to draw inferences regarding the relative silence during the founding period concerning the "personal safety" rationale for the private possession of firearms....

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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the United States, only members of the most unreliable social categories-drug addicts, the mentally ill, convicted felons, and juveniles-are denied permission to own firearms as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Current American gun law generally allows most people to own firearms, and there are approximately 140 million guns in private possession. It is estimated that one-third of the privately-owned firearms are handguns.' Only members of the most unreliable social categories-drug addicts, the mentally ill, convicted felons, juveniles 2-are denied permission to own firearms. 3 Some who decry this situation advocate \"total disarmament,\" arguing that everyone would be safer if no one were permitted to possess a firearm, especially a handgun. 4 They believe that a universal right to own firearms,

7 citations


"The Second Amendment, political lib..." refers background in this paper

  • ...[58] See Jacobs, Exceptions to a General Prohibition on Handgun Possession: Do They Swallow Up the Rule?, 49 Law & Contemp....

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