The social space and misrecognition in 21st century France
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References
232 citations
"The social space and misrecognition..." refers background in this paper
...…topological model of class and used it to fruitfully unpick the multidimensional nature of social differentiation across varied European nations, from Denmark and Norway to the UK and Belgium (e.g. Atkinson, 2017; De Keere, 2018; Flemmen et al., 2018, 2019; Prieur et al., 2008; Rosenlund, 2009)....
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207 citations
"The social space and misrecognition..." refers background in this paper
...This has been reduced to a six-point scale here, aggregating the top three and bottom three categories respectively, since people were, somewhat tellingly, extremely unwilling to place themselves in the extremity boxes (cf. Evans & Kelley, 2004)....
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167 citations
"The social space and misrecognition..." refers background in this paper
...The result is a homology between the space and what Bourdieu termed the ‘division of labour of domination’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1993, p. 24)....
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157 citations
Additional excerpts
...While there has been some interest in exploring the relationship between class and lifestyles (e.g. Coulangeon, 2017; Coulangeon & Lemel, 2007; Lebaron & Bonnet, 2014; Robette & Roueff, 2017), and an effort to map the top slice of the class structure (or ‘field of power’) using GDA (Denord et al.,…...
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143 citations
"The social space and misrecognition..." refers background in this paper
...For further methodological reflections on the nature and limits of this and the other questions analysed, see Atkinson (2020b). 9....
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...Atkinson, 2017; De Keere, 2018; Flemmen et al., 2018, 2019; Prieur et al., 2008; Rosenlund, 2009). Not only that, but they have deployed geometric data analysis (GDA) to do so: a family of techniques championed by Bourdieu, and exploited in Distinction, because they are designed to spatialise relations between variables and can thus provide an apposite map of social structures or homologous position-takings. In all cases volume and composition of capital do indeed emerge as the key principles of social difference, signalling the transposability of Bourdieu’s model into the 21st century and across different national contexts. Yet what of France itself? While there has been some interest in exploring the relationship between class and lifestyles (e.g. Coulangeon, 2017; Coulangeon & Lemel, 2007; Lebaron & Bonnet, 2014; Robette & Roueff, 2017), and an effort to map the top slice of the class structure (or ‘field of power’) using GDA (Denord et al., 2011), an updated model of the French social space in toto based on empirical analysis has not been forthcoming.1 This is despite the considerable passage of time since its original construction and the substantial socio-economic change that has occurred in the meantime. There has been the relentless growth of the service sector – from 66% of the workforce to 74% between 1991 and 2009 alone – and the corresponding decline of heavy industry – from 29% to 23% in the same period – as well as feminisation of the workforce – with a ratio of female to male labour force participation climbing from 0.71 in 1991 to 0.82 in 2009 – and a ‘second education boom’ – the proportions of the population with at least upper secondary and post-secondary education surging to 61% and 24% respectively by 2009.2 A concurrent precarisation of employment, moreover, was said by Bourdieu (1998) himself to have fallen disproportionately on not only those divested of capital but those working in the public sector, even at the higher levels....
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...…vein of symbolic power and violence at play, manifest in a negative sense of place, self-worth and comparison with notions of ‘merit’ (e.g. Atkinson, 2010; Gillies, 2005; Skeggs, 1997), and while some of them emphasise lateral as well as vertical struggles in the social space (e.g.…...
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