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The Twenty-First Century Will Be American

17 Jul 1996-
Abstract: Allegations that America is in decline have become commonplace in the years since the Cold War ended in victory for the United States: Washington, it is said, is doomed to founder in decadence, like an Imperial Rome collapsing under the weight of its armies This thesis is energetically refuted by Alfredo Valladao America, he believes, will dominate the 21st century because it alone has the means - and the will - to do so It alone possesses the three qualities needed for supreme poweer: unequalled military force, the biggest and most dynamic economy on the planet and a culture with universal ambitions The author traces the course of history from the proclamation of independence to the present-day metamorphosis into "world-America" The prophets of decline, argues Valladao, are a century or two adrift: if a historical analogy must be made, it should be with Rome in triumph after its total victory over Carthage - the Roman Republic pregnant with an empire
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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that the US-Americanisation of anti-racism is autonomous of US political will or action and has a complex and contingent relationship with neo-liberal globalisation. And they argued that this ethnic equity project is articulated and sold as a form of counter-authority, a form that employs and deploys the USA as a model of the modern nation.
Abstract: Following recent debate on US influence on anti-racism around the world, this article offers a critical assessment of how anti-racism is being shaped and disseminated. It is argued that the US-Americanisation of anti-racism is autonomous of US political will or action and has a complex and contingent relationship with neo-liberal globalisation. After considering how these themes suggest a revision in Gramscian perspectives on hegemony, the paper illustrates them by reference to the World Bank's advocacy of cultural pluralism in Latin America. It is argued that this ethnic equity project is articulated and ‘sold’ as a form of counter-authority, a form that employs and deploys the USA as a model of the modern nation.

48 citations

01 Jan 2012

29 citations

Reference EntryDOI
27 Nov 2013
TL;DR: The authors surveys leading bibliographical sources pertaining to these various themes, embracing as well the normative debates they have engendered, and surveys contemporary cases in which ethnic diasporic activism has been said to have influenced the shaping of American foreign policy toward one region in particular (the “greater” Middle East) as well as toward regional dilemmas elsewhere (including Europe, Africa, and Latin America).
Abstract: The past two decades have witnessed a growing scholarly interest in the role that “ethnic diasporas” play in the formulation of America’s foreign policy. While the connection between these ethnic groupings and the policy process is not anything new in American political life, the systematic study of that connection is of relatively recent vintage. There are two chief reasons for this. First, changes in American demography since the 1970s have led to a fascination with issues related to “multiculturalism” and ethnic “identity”—in the context not only of domestic public policy, but also of foreign policy. In the case of the latter, an outpouring of articles and books has appeared dedicated to the phenomenon of ethnic “lobbying,” construed widely enough so as to include discussions of the “ethnic vote.” In addition, changes in the external environment set in motion by the ending of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union have put a premium upon such new relatively new categories of analysis as “ethnic conflict” and diasporas. Widespread stories about its “decline” to the contrary notwithstanding, America remains the most powerful state in the international system; thus, it offers ethnic diasporas the promise of exerting outsized influence should they be able to make their preferences become Washington’s preferences. This article surveys leading bibliographical sources pertaining to these various themes, embracing as well the normative debates they have engendered. Also included in this article are a set of references to a trio of very significant historical cases of ethnic “politicking” in US foreign policy, for, although the systematized study of the phenomenon may be fairly recent, the phenomenon is nearly as old as American foreign policy itself. Accordingly, three “classical cases” will be discussed: the Irish Americans, the German Americans, and the Anglo-Americans. Finally, the article surveys recent writings on contemporary cases in which ethnic diasporic activism has been said to have influenced the shaping of American foreign policy toward one region in particular (the “greater” Middle East) as well as toward regional dilemmas elsewhere (including Europe, Africa, and Latin America).

28 citations

Dissertation
01 Sep 2009
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors study the debates surrounding the grand strategy of United States in the decade after the Cold War and assess the strategic ideas that were advanced to conceptualise American foreign policy, grouping these thematically under the headings of primacy, neoisolationism and liberal multilateralism.
Abstract: This thesis studies the debates surrounding the grand strategy of United States in the decade after the Cold War. 'Bookended' by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001, it assesses the strategic ideas that were advanced to conceptualise American foreign policy, grouping these thematically under the headings of primacy, neoisolationism and liberal multilateralism. To this end the thesis introduces a neoclassical realist model of grand strategy formation, in which ideas are considered in conjunction with considerations of power in the international system. The thesis makes the case that the ideas of each strategic school-of-thought reflect both a distinctive theoretical understanding of international relations and a particular tradition in United States foreign policy. Furthermore, it makes the more general structural claim that under conditions of limited threat such as the apparent unipolarity of the post-Cold War years, great power strategies are less determined by the imperatives of international structure and more by the ideas at the domestic level influencing the foreign policy executive. As a result, grand strategy formation becomes highly ideologically contested, and the geopolitical science of strategic assessment and response becomes unpredictable. The thesis argues that after the Cold War the strategic debate is best understood in conjunction with the contemporaneous idea that the United States held a functionally imperial position in the international system. In the absence of agreed threats, competition between strategic ideas resulted in the United States pursuing a foreign policy that selectively incorporated elements of each strategic alternative. Although this 'uni-multilateralism' had as its aim the management of the international system, its diverse sources of ideas and support meant that in security matters in particular American foreign policy was inconsistent and unpredictable. It was therefore not until the events of 9-11 provided a unified threat around which to coordinate strategy that America adopted a more coherent imperial grand strategy.

20 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the challenges of Hollywood and globalization, soft power, and the challenge of Hollywood in the context of globalization and soft power in the digital age.
Abstract: (2002). Globalization, soft power and the challenge of Hollywood. Contemporary Politics: Vol. 8, No. 3, pp. 185-202.

19 citations