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Theory of International Politics
01 Jan 1979-
About: The article was published on 1979-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 7932 citations till now. The article focuses on the topics: Global politics & International relations.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the relationship between institutions, roles, and role conflict, and examine the destabilizing effects of the coexistence of overlapping international institutions in the context of the Arab Middle East.
Abstract: This article explores the relationship between institutions, roles, and role conflict, and examines the destabilizing effects of the coexistence of overlapping international institutions in the context of the Arab Middle East.
I am concerned with two features of the relationship between institutions and roles. First, while roles figure prominently in many definitions of institutions, they are given scant theoretical or empirical attention in the institutions literature. The second concern is what transpires when the state is embedded in more than one institution and each institution demands a different role and set of behavioral actions. Therefore, the state's actions that are consistent with the role requirements of one institution might be inconsistent with the role demands of another institution. States frequently experience role conflict as a consequence of their presence in two or more institutions, and such coexisting institutions, far from producing the stabilizing qualities observed by many theorists, can generate false expectations and conflict. We need a better understanding of the effects of overlapping institutions on state behavior.
The Arab states system is used as an illustrative case study to demonstrate how role conflict complicated the search for regional stability. Arab states had two distinct roles because of the institutions of sovereignty and pan-Arabism: they were at one and the same time to recognize each other's authority and to follow pan-Arabism to its logical conclusion of political unification. These institutions provided different and potentially contradictory roles for Arab states, which complicated the search for regional order.
177 citations
Cites background from "Theory of International Politics"
...Although the institution of sovereignty may have long-run socializing tendencies such that it promotes "sameness" among state actors (Waltz, 1979:128-129), state actors often exhibit various roles as a result of their presence in different international institutions....
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Book•
27 Aug 2009TL;DR: Walter et al. as mentioned in this paper found that the low rate of negotiation is the result of reputation building, in which governments refuse to negotiate with early challengers in order to discourage others from making more costly demands in the future.
Abstract: Of all the different types of civil war, disputes over self-determination are the most likely to escalate into war and resist compromise settlement. Reputation and Civil War argues that this low rate of negotiation is the result of reputation building, in which governments refuse to negotiate with early challengers in order to discourage others from making more costly demands in the future. Jakarta's wars against East Timor and Aceh, for example, were not designed to maintain sovereignty but to signal to Indonesia's other minorities that secession would be costly. Employing data from three different sources - laboratory experiments on undergraduates, statistical analysis of data on self-determination movements, and qualitative analyses of recent history in Indonesia and the Philippines - Barbara F. Walter provides some of the first systematic evidence that reputation strongly influences behavior, particularly between governments and ethnic minorities fighting over territory.
177 citations
TL;DR: This paper examined the impact of the rise of China on secondary-state alignments in East Asia and concluded that secondary state behavior is sensitive to local variation in the great power capabilities and that secondary states tend to accommodate rather than balance or accommodate.
Abstract: Realists agree that great powers balance the military power of rising powers, but there is little agreement regarding secondary-state responses to rising powers. First, there are differences regarding whether secondary states balance or accommodate rising powers. Second, there are differences among realists regarding the distinct roles of economic and military factors in secondary-state alignment policies. Third, some scholars argue that state alignments are not necessarily determined by realist variables, but can reflect preferences shaped by intentions, historical experiences, or cultural influences. This paper addresses these issues in balance-of-power theory. Its empirical focus is the impact of the rise of China on secondary-state alignments in East Asia. After examining the complex mix of China's military and economic reach in East Asia, it concludes that secondary-state behavior is sensitive to local variation in the great power capabilities and that secondary states tend to accommodate rather than...
174 citations
01 Jan 2002
173 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a Realist theory of state action is proposed to bridge domestic and international politics, and two models or "faces" are presented to relate the goals of state officials in one arena to the strategies available in the pursuit of such goals in the other.
Abstract: The realities of interdependence dictate that the ability of governments to pursue domestic policies effectively is influenced and constrained by developments in the international system. It is equally evident that the realization of international objectives depends meaningfully on domestic politics and economics. Our purpose in this paper is to lay the foundation for a Realist theory of state action which bridges domestic and international politics. We proceed by positing assumptions about state objectives and deducing strategies relevant to their pursuit. First, we examine conceptions of the state found in classical and structural Realism. Second, we present two models or “faces” of state action which relate the goals of state officials in one arena to the strategies available in the pursuit of such goals in the other. Third, building upon these two models, we put forth several hypotheses which explore the types of challenges to the state that arise in one arena that may trigger responses in the second. Fourth, we introduce variations in domestic and international structures and predict the choice of strategy made by the states across venues. Finally, a concluding section examines the implications of this effort for future Realist inquiry and the study of domestic and international politics.
173 citations
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5,295 citations
01 Jan 1976
TL;DR: For centuries knowledge meant proven knowledge, proven either by the power of the intellect or by the evidence of the senses as discussed by the authors. But the notion of proven knowledge was questioned by the sceptics more than two thousand years ago; but they were browbeaten into confusion by the glory of Newtonian physics.
Abstract: For centuries knowledge meant proven knowledge — proven either by the power of the intellect or by the evidence of the senses. Wisdom and intellectual integrity demanded that one must desist from unproven utterances and minimize, even in thought, the gap between speculation and established knowledge. The proving power of the intellect or the senses was questioned by the sceptics more than two thousand years ago; but they were browbeaten into confusion by the glory of Newtonian physics. Einstein’s results again turned the tables and now very few philosophers or scientists still think that scientific knowledge is, or can be, proven knowledge. But few realize that with this the whole classical structure of intellectual values falls in ruins and has to be replaced: one cannot simply water down the ideal of proven truth - as some logical empiricists do — to the ideal of’probable truth’1 or — as some sociologists of knowledge do — to ‘truth by [changing] consensus’.2
4,969 citations
4,163 citations
17 Feb 1966
TL;DR: This book contains the collected and unified material necessary for the presentation of such branches of modern cybernetics as the theory of electronic digital computers, Theory of discrete automata, theory of discrete self-organizing systems, automation of thought processes, theoryof image recognition, etc.
Abstract: : This book contains the collected and unified material necessary for the presentation of such branches of modern cybernetics as the theory of electronic digital computers, theory of discrete automata, theory of discrete self-organizing systems, automation of thought processes, theory of image recognition, etc. Discussions are given of the fundamentals of the theory of boolean functions, algorithm theory, principles of the design of electronic digital computers and universal algorithmical languages, fundamentals of perceptron theory, some theoretical questions of the theory of self-organizing systems. Many fundamental results in mathematical logic and algorithm theory are presented in summary form, without detailed proofs, and in some cases without any proof. The book is intended for a broad audience of mathematicians and scientists of many specialties who wish to acquaint themselves with the problems of modern cybernetics.
2,922 citations