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Journal ArticleDOI

Une gouvernance suburbaine distincte : les banlieues élitaires de montréal (1880-1939)

26 Apr 2012-Vol. 53, Iss: 1, pp 41-62
TL;DR: In this article, the developpement et les caracteristiques de la gouvernance des banlieues cossues de la region de Montreal sont analyses ici a partir des cas de Westmount et Pointe-Claire.
Abstract: Le developpement et les caracteristiques de la gouvernance des banlieues cossues de la region de Montreal sont analyses ici a partir des cas de Westmount et Pointe-Claire. La facon dont leur territoire a ete constitue en municipalite, les pratiques electorales qui s’y sont developpees et les principaux acteurs qui participent a leur gouvernance entre la fin du 19e siecle et le debut de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, revelent qu’elles sont le theâtre d’un mode de gouvernance distinct, propre aux banlieues bourgeoises et adapte aux besoins et aux interets de leurs habitants.

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Book
01 Jan 2003
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the impersonal, often invisible forms of social direction and control built into the infrastructure of modern life and the ways in which these mechanisms both shape culture and social life and engender popular resistance.
Abstract: The liberal governance of the nineteenth-century state and city depended on the "rule of freedom". As a form of rule it relied on the production of certain kinds of citizens and patterns of social life, which in turn depended on transforming both the material form of the city (its layout, architecture, infrastructure) and the ways it was inhabited and imagined by its leaders, citizens and custodians. Focusing mainly on London and Manchester, but with reference also to Glasgow, Dublin, Paris, Vienna, colonial India, and even contemporary Los Angeles, Patrick Joyce creatively and originally develops Foucauldian approaches to historiography to reflect on the nature of modern liberal society. His consideration of such "artifacts" as maps and censuses, sewers and markets, public libraries and parks, and of civic governments and city planning, are intertwined with theoretical interpretations to examine both the impersonal, often invisible forms of social direction and control built into the infrastructure of modern life and the ways in which these mechanisms both shape culture and social life and engender popular resistance.

356 citations


"Une gouvernance suburbaine distinct..." refers background in this paper

  • ...Ils jouent donc un rôle important dans la construction de la communauté (Joyce, 2003)....

    [...]

Journal ArticleDOI

94 citations


"Une gouvernance suburbaine distinct..." refers background in this paper

  • ...À cet égard, l’approche historique permet de remonter au-delà des différends linguistiques qui ont marqué les relations ville / banlieues à Montréal depuis les années 1960 (Levine, 1990 ; Sancton, 1985) et de se pencher sur la genèse de ce mode de gouvernance....

    [...]

Book
27 Jun 1990
TL;DR: A map of Montreal can be found in this paper, where the authors discuss the history of the Quiet Revolution and the Politicization of Language in Montreal and the role of Francophones in this process.
Abstract: A Note on Vocabulary Acknowledgments List of Abbreviations Note to the Paperback Edition Map of Montreal 1. Introduction 2. An English City: Montreal before the Quiet Revolution Urban Growth and Linguistic Diversity, 1760-1960 * Linguistic Geography and the Two Solitudes * Language Use and Language Choice through 1960 * Language and the Economy: Historical Patterns * The Politics of Language through 1960 * Language Policy before 1960 * Urban Governance and Linguistic Accommodation * The Winds of Change: Language and Politics in the 1950s 3. The Quiet Revolution and the Politicization of Language The Roots of the Quiet Revolution * Linguistic Tensions and the Quiet Revolution * Francophone Demands for a Government Language Policy, 1960-1966 * The Anglicization of Immigrants * The Political Ramifications of Immigrant Anglicization 4. Linguistic Crises and Policy Responses, 1967-1969 Policy Response I: Bill 85 * Conflicts Become Crises: Linguistic Battles of 1969 * Policy Response II: Bill 63 * Language and the Restructuring of School Governance * Conclusion 5. A Polarized City, 1970-1976 Montreal 1970: A City in Turmoil * The Federal Government and Montreal's Language Question * Holding Action, 1970-1973 * Bourassa Prepares to Act * Bill 22: A Policy Disaster * Conclusion 6. Bill 101 and the Politics of Language, 1977-1989 The PQ Enacts a Language Policy * Anglophones and Bill 101 * Conflicts and Compromises in Language Policy, 1979-1985 * Bourassa Reignites the Language Question, 1985-1989 * The Impact of Bill 101: Education * Conclusion 7. Public Policy, Language, and the Montreal Economy, 1960-1989 The Quebec State and Francophone Economic Development * State Corporations and Francophone Economic Development * The Linguistic Impact of Public Works * Closing the Linguistic Education Gap * Language Policy and Regulation of the Private Sector * Conclusion 8. The Francisation of the Montreal Economy The Language of the Workplace * The Control of Capital * The Socioeconomic Status of Francophones * The External Face of Business * Public Policy, Market Forces, and Economic Change * Conclusion 9. English and French in the New Montreal Linguistic Demography, 1971-1986 * The End of the Two Solitudes? * The New Ethnicity and Francophone Montreal * The New Francophone Class Structure * Whither the Language Question Notes Index

86 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The use of local democracy as a legitimizing tool for territorial claims may point to the emergence of a new generalized discursive strategy as mentioned in this paper, which highlights the processes by which socio-political movements mobilize residents to their cause while avoiding accusations of NIMBYism.
Abstract: Between 1997 and 2002, homeowners in various parts of Los Angeles sought to secede from the City. At the same time, in Toronto, the province of Ontario forced the amalgamation of six municipalities forming a new megacity of 2.4 million. Residents mobilized for several months. In 2000, the province of Quebec forced the merger of 28 local municipalities in Montreal, forming a new city of 1.8 million. Angst came mostly from suburban Anglophone municipalities, where it was felt mergers would affect linguistic privileges. In the three cases, but stemming from different positions on the Left-Right political spectrum, social actors claimed more local autonomy ‘in the name of local democracy’. Comparing these cases where institutional reforms and claims for local autonomy captured the political agenda, the article asks whether the use of ‘local democracy’ as a legitimizing tool for territorial claims may point to the emergence of a new generalized discursive strategy. Comparing variations in interpretations, and locating them in their respective local political cultures and in relation to the political positioning of claiming groups, highlights the processes by which socio-political movements mobilize residents to their cause while avoiding accusations of NIMBYism. In the end, the article questions the moral tone attached to the expression ‘local democracy’. Entre 1997 et 2002, les proprietaires d'habitation de plusieurs zones de Los Angeles ont cherchea se separer de la ville. Dans le meme temps, a Toronto, la province d'Ontario forcait l'unification de six municipalites en une nouvelle mega-cite de 2.4 millions d'âmes; les habitants se sont mobilises pendant plusieurs mois. En 2000, la province de Quebec a impose la fusion de 28 municipalites locales dans Montreal, constituant une nouvelle ville de 1.8 million de personnes; l'angoisse est nee surtout des municipalites suburbaines anglophones qui craignaient pour leurs privileges linguistiques. Meme si, dans les trois cas, leur position differe dans l'eventail politique Gauche-Droite, les acteurs sociaux ont revendique davantage d'autonomie ‘au nom de la democratie locale’. En comparant ces cas, ou reformes institutionnelles et demandes d'autonomie locale ont accapare le calendrier politique, l'article cherche a savoir si l'usage de la ‘democratie locale’ pour justifier des revendications territoriales pourrait reveler l'emergence d'une nouvelle strategie discursive generalisee. Faire un parallele entre les variations d'interpretations — en les situant dans leurs cultures politiques locales respectives et par rapport a la position politique des groupes de contestation — met en lumiere les processus qui permettent aux mouvements socio-politiques de mobiliser les residents a leur cause sans etre accuses de NIMBYisme. Pour finir, l'article s'interroge sur la coloration morale de l'expression ‘democratie locale’.

43 citations