US Evangelicals and the Politics of Slave Redemption as Religious Freedom in Sudan
About: This article is published in South Atlantic Quarterly.The article was published on 2014-01-01. It has received 7 citations till now.
Citations
More filters
TL;DR: In this paper, the bibliography continues its customary coverage of secondary writings published since 1900 in western European languages on slavery or the slave trade anywhere in the world: monographs,...
Abstract: For 2014 the bibliography continues its customary coverage of secondary writings published since 1900 in western European languages on slavery or the slave trade anywhere in the world: monographs, ...
267 citations
TL;DR: The Next Christendom is the first book to take the full measure of the changing face of the Christian faith as mentioned in this paper, showing that the churches that have grown most rapidly in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are often more morally conservative and apocalyptic than their northern counterparts.
Abstract: By the year 2,050 only one Christian in five will be non-Latino and white, and the center of gravity of the Christian world will have shifted firmly to the Southern Hemisphere. The Next Christendom is the first book to take the full measure of the changing face of the Christian faith. Philip Jenkins shows that the churches that have grown most rapidly in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are often more morally conservative and apocalyptic than their northern counterparts. Mysticism, puritanism, faith-healing, exorcism, and dream-visions--concepts which more liberal western churches have traded in for progressive political and social concerns--are basic to these newer churches. And the effects of such beliefs on global politics, Jenkins argues, will be enormous, as religious identification begins to take precedence over allegiance to secular nation-states. Indeed, as Christianity grows in regions where Islam is also expected to increase we may even see a return to the religious wars of the past, fought out with renewed intensity and high-tech weapons far surpassing the swords and spears of the middle ages.
62 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: The case of proselytism presents a tangle of competing claims: on the one hand, the rights of pro-proselytizers to free exercise of religion and freedom of speech; on the other hand, targets of the pro-Protestant movement to change their religion, peacefully to have or maintain a particular religious tradition, and to be free from injury to religious feelings as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The case of proselytism presents a tangle of competing claims: on the one hand, the rights of proselytizers to free exercise of religion and freedom of speech; on the other hand, the rights of targets of proselytism to change their religion, peacefully to have or maintain a particular religious tradition, and to be free from injury to religious feelings. Clashes between these claims of right are today generating acute tensions in relations between States and peoples, a state of affairs starkly illustrated by the recent Danish cartoons controversy. Irrespective of their resolution in any particular domestic legal system, how should such conflicts be addressed as a matter of international law? In noticing that surpisingly little attention has been paid to this question in the literature, this Article argues that the key to unlocking the puzzle is to recognize that the right to freedom of religion and belief generates competing claims not only with other fundamental rights such as free speech, but within the right to religious liberty itself. This insight suggests at least three challenges to theories of rights in the Lockean and Kantian traditions: first, the problem of the incommensurability of values which the liberal algebra of rights is unable to reconcile; second, the complex conceptual problems associated with rights foundationalism; and third, the intrinsic value of communal goods and their relationship to personal autonomy. Once these limitations and blindspots in rights discourse are acknowledged, a value pluralist approach is argued to offer a preferable path by allowing us to reimagine liberal theory in intersubjective and hermeneutic terms.
24 citations
Book•
31 Mar 2010
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the history of Islam in the Horn of Africa, from Disastrous Confrontation to Pragmatic Friendship: Ethiopia and Sudan, 1884-1898.
Abstract: Muslims and Christians in the Horn of Africa: Interactions Across the Centuries. From Disastrous Confrontation to Pragmatic Friendship: Ethiopia and Sudan, 1884-1898. Radicalism, War, and Pragmatism: Ethiopia and the Somalis, 1899-1920. Africanism, Arabism, Marxism: Ethiopia and Sudan, 1930-1991. The Return of Political Islam: Ethiopia and Sudan, 1991-2009. Nationalism and Conflict: Ethiopia and Somalia, 1943-1991. Religion Returns to the Forefront: Ethiopia and Somalia, 1991-2009. Religion and Politics in the Horn: Options and Choices.
8 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the history and ongoing transformation of the South Sudanese Sudd marshlands as a buffer zone in a variety of subsequent projects of domination and their subversion is explored.
Abstract: This paper explores the history and ongoing transformation of the South Sudanese Sudd marshlands as a buffer zone in a variety of subsequent projects of domination and their subversion. Its argumen...
5 citations
References
More filters
Book•
31 Mar 2002TL;DR: In this paper, the authors describe the Christian Revolution and the Disciples of All Nations, the rise of the New Christianity and the coming home of the first time Christians in the modern world.
Abstract: Acknowledgments List of Tables Preface Maps Chapter One: The Christian Revolution Chapter Two: Disciples of All Nations Chapter Three: Missionaries and Prophets Chapter Four: Standing Alone Chapter Five: The Rise of the New Christianity Chapter Six: Coming to Terms Chapter Seven: God and the World Chapter Eight: The Next Crusade Chapter Nine: Coming Home Chapter Ten: Seeing Christianity Again for the First Time Index
787 citations
Book•
20 Jul 2000TL;DR: Most white evangelicals, they learned, see no systematic discrimination against blacks; indeed, they deny the existence of any ongoing racial problem in the United States as mentioned in this paper, and many of their subjects blamed the continuing talk of racial conflict on the media, unscrupulous black leaders and the inability of African Americans to forget the past.
Abstract: In recent years, the leaders of the American evangelical movement have brought their characteristic passion to the problem of race, notably in the Promise Keepers movement and in reconciliation theology. But the authors of this provocative new study reveal that despite their good intentions, evangelicals may actually be preserving America's racial chasm. In Divided by Faith, Michael O. Emerson and Christian Smith probe the grassroots of white evangelical America, through a nationwide telephone survey of 2,000 people, along with 200 face-to-face interviews. The results of their research are surprising. Most white evangelicals, they learned, see no systematic discrimination against blacks; indeed, they deny the existence of any ongoing racial problem in the United States. Many of their subjects blamed the continuing talk of racial conflict on the media, unscrupulous black leaders, and the inability of African Americans to forget the past. What lies behind this perception? Evangelicals, Emerson and Smith write, are not so much actively racist as committed to a theological view of the world that makes it difficult for them to see systematic injustice. The evangelical emphasis on individualism, free will, and personal relationships makes invisible the pervasive injustice that perpetuates inequality between the races. Most racial problems, they told the authors, can be solved by the repentance and conversion of the sinful individuals at fault. Combining a substantial body of evidence with sophisticated analysis and interpretation, Emerson and Smith throw sharp light on the oldest American dilemma. Despite the best intentions of evangelical leaders and some positive trends, the authors conclude that real racial reconciliation remains far over the horizon.
609 citations
Book•
31 May 1996TL;DR: This paper examined how Nuer men and women have been actively reassessing local forms of power and sociality in their efforts to keep pace with the expansion and contraction of State and market structure between roughly, roughly, 1930 and 1992.
Abstract: Drawing on twenty-four months of field research among the Nuer of southern Sudan, this book examines how the Nuer have experienced the last six decades of turbulent history and have incorporated that experience into their contemporary culture. More specifically, it shows how Nuer men and women have been actively reassessing local forms of power and sociality in their efforts to keep pace with the expansion and contraction of State and market structure between, roughly, 1930 and 1992. It explores the roots of contemporary Nuer debates over the'interchangeability' of cattle and money as everyday media of exchange; describes the gradual intermeshing of State and local power networks in the Nuer region; analyses the shifting bases of power and authority between Nuer men and women, with particular reference to the impact of government chiefs' courts on local patterns of courtship, marriage and divorce; explores Nuer rethinking of incest and exogamic prohibitions with respect to apparent changes in their definitions of the transgenerational reach of various kinship connections; traces the development, from the late 1940s, of the debate on male initiation; shows how the sacrificial role of cattle in Nuer social life was steadily being undermined during the 1980s and early 1990s; and demonstrates how orthodox forms of evangelical Protestantism contributed to the secularization of vast areas of contemporary Nuer social and moral life.
267 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present three alternative approaches to the identity crisis in the Sudan: by bringing to the surface the realities of the African elements of identity in the North, a new basis for the creation of a common identity could be established that fosters equitable participation and distribution.
Abstract: The civil war that has intermittently raged in the Sudan since independence in 1956 is, according to Francis Deng, a conflict of contrasting and seemingly incompatible identities in the Northern and Southern parts of the country. Identity is seen as a function of how people identify themselves and are identified in racial, ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious terms. The identity question related to how such concepts determine or influence participation and distribution in the political, economic, social, and cultural life of the country. War of Visions aims at shedding light on the anomalies of the identity conflict. The competing models in the Sudan are the Arab-Islamic mold of the North, representing two-thirds of the country in territory and population, and the remaining Southern third, which is indigenously African in race, ethnicity, culture, and religion, with an educated Christianized elite. But although the North is popularly defined as racially Arab, the people are a hybrid of Arab and African elements, with the African physical characteristics predominating in most tribal groups. This configuration is the result of a historical process that stratified races, cultures, and religions, and fostered a ""passing"" into the Arab-Islamic mold that discriminated against the African race and cultures. The outcome of this process is a polarization that is based more on myth than on the realities of the situation. The identity crisis has been further complicated by the fact that Northerners want to fashion the country on the basis of their Arab- Islamic identity, while the South is decidedly resistant. Francis Deng presents three alternative approaches to the identity crisis. First, he argues that by bringing to the surface the realities of the African elements of identity in the North-- thereby revealing characteristics shared by all Sudanese--a new basis for the creation of a common identity could be established that fosters equitable participation and distribution. Second, if the issues that divide prove insurmountable, Deng argues for a framework of diversified coexistence within a loose federal or confederate arrangement. Third, he concludes that partitioning the country along justified borders may be the only remaining option to end the devastating conflict.
260 citations