Journal Article•
Using Latina/o Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) and Racist Nativism to Explore Intersectionality in the Educational Experiences of Undocumented Chicana College Students
01 Jan 2010-Educational Foundations (Caddo Gap Press. 3145 Geary Boulevard PMB 275, San Francisco, CA 94118. Tel: 415-666-3012; Fax: 415-666-3552; e-mail: caddogap@aol.com; Web site: http://www.caddogap.com)-Vol. 24, pp 77-96
TL;DR: Oliverez et al. as mentioned in this paper examined how a racist nativism framework can help understand the experiences of undocumented Chicana college students attending a public research university in California, and found that racist attitudes have manifested in the educational trajectories of the undocumented students.
Abstract: Introduction One of the most powerful elements of Critical Race Theory (CRT) in Education is that it provides critical researchers with a lens not offered by many other theoretical frameworks--that is, the ability to examine how multiple forms of oppression can intersect within the lives of People of Color and how those intersections manifest in our daily experiences to mediate our education. A theoretical branch extending from CRT is Latina/o Critical Race Theory (LatCrit), which examines experiences unique to the Latina/o community such as immigration status, language, ethnicity, and culture (Solorano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). A LatCrit analysis has allowed researchers to develop the conceptual framework of racist nativism, a lens that highlights the intersection of racism and nativism (Perez Huber, et. al., 2008). This article examines how a racist nativism framework can help understand the experiences of undocumented Chicana college students attending a public research university in California. First, this article will provide a brief description of how CRT and, in particular, LatCrit have allowed researchers to develop the frame of racist nativism. Second, the framework of racist nativism will be described, including how it is used in this study. Third, this article will describe the data collection strategies, methodological approach and analysis process used to gather and analyze 20 critical race testimonio interviews. Following this description, I will present the findings that demonstrate the ways racist nativism, class and gender have manifested in the educational trajectories of the undocumented Chicana college students. The Need to Examine Undocumented Latina/o Educational Experiences There is a limited but growing body of research on the experiences of undocumented Latina/o immigrant students in the U.S. (Abrego, 2002; Bastida et. al., 2007; De Leon, 2005; Fields, 2005; Gonzales, 2007; Guillen, 2004; Madera, et. al., 2008; Oliverez et. al., 2006; Olivas, 1995, 2004; Pabon Lopez, 2005; Perez Huber & Malagon, 2007; Rangel, 2001; Rincon, 2005; Seif, 2004). We know that thousands of undocumented students graduate high schools throughout the country each year, but most are in state of California (Oliverez et. al., 2006). We also know that most undocumented immigrants in the U.S. are from Latin American countries, but Mexico in particular (Passel, 2006). The historical and continued efforts of U.S. foreign policy to ensure Mexican economic dependence on the United States suggests economic conditions in Mexico will continue to leave many Mexican citizens with no choice but to emigrate (Gonzalez & Fernandez, 2002). This means, until the U.S. enacts comprehensive immigration reform that offers the U.S. undocumented population with a path to citizenship, the number of undocumented Latina/o students will continue to grow. Research focusing on this group of students lags far behind this demographic growth. CRT, LatCrit, and Racist Nativism: An Intersectional Approach CRT and LatCrit. The overarching theoretical frameworks for this study are CRT, and in particular, LatCrit. CRT in educational research unapologetically centers the ways race, class, gender, sexuality and other forms of oppression manifest in the educational experiences of People of Color. CRT draws from multiple disciplines to challenge dominant ideologies such as meritocracy and colorblindness, which suggest educational institutions are neutral systems that function in the same ways for all students. This framework challenges these beliefs by learning and building from the knowledge of Communities of Color whose educational experiences are marked by oppressive structures and practices. The efforts of revealing racism in education is a conscious move toward social and racial justice and empowerment among Communities of Color (Solorzano & Yosso, 2001; Yosso 2006). LatCrit is an extension of the efforts of CRT in educational research. …
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TL;DR: Reading a book as this basics of qualitative research grounded theory procedures and techniques and other references can enrich your life quality.
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TL;DR: Gandara as mentioned in this paper, The Educational Mobility of Low-Income Chicanos: Over the Ivy Walls: The educational mobility of low-income chicanos. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995.
Abstract: Over the Ivy Walls: The Educational Mobility of Low-Income Chicanos. Patricia Gandara. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995. 151 pp.
220 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the personal commitment of early missionaries in the Korean mission and found that individual attitudes, commitment, and the nature and frequency of encounters with Koreans were significant factors in the variation.
Abstract: mission identity, policy, and direction in the midst of two conflicting Korean responses; a relatively favorable reception of Christianity on the one hand, and a strong demand for the implementation of secular education from Korean leaders and intellectuals on the other. During initial years of the Korean mission, missionary activities were focused primarily in medicine and education due to legal restrictions against Christianity outside of these sectors. Going into the 1890s, the mission priority shifted to evangelism due largely to the strong personal commitment on the part of two leading missionaries, Horace G. Underwood and Samuel Moffett. Chapter 3 focuses on the issue of identification. Missionaries made efforts to overcome barriers of national, cultural and racial bias and superiority in light of the ideals of the Christian mission with varying degree of success. The author discovers that individual attitudes, commitment, and the nature and frequency of encounters with Koreans were significant factors in the variation. In chapters 4 and 5, the author examines the home, family, and the type of work missionaries engaged in and how these respective factors affected Korean encounters and identification. Chapter 6 looks at the ways in which conflicts are negotiated and resolved between the American missionaries’ priority on evangelism and Korean Christians’ emphasis on nationalism and modernization. Although American missionaries gradually accommodated the demands for higher education originating from Korean church leaders, the strong emphasis on evangelical activities from early missionaries worked to establish the conservative and evangelical tone of Korean Christianity that still exists today. In order to adequately understand the history of the Korean church, it is imperative to learn what these early pioneers had in mind for its nature and future direction. The strength of this book lies in the original way it deals with subjective interpretations from the key actors who formulated and modified early mission policy and vision through everevolving interactions with, responses to, and demands of Koreans. The analysis is objective and fair, free of the nationalistic biases often found in the writings of modern Korean history by Korean authors. However, the inclusion of a couple of additional key elements may have added to the overall analysis. Horace G. Underwood is known, especially to older Koreans, as Won Du-woo. Many other missionaries also had Korean names, and a more detailed explanation as to the significance of name adoption among missionaries may have provided more insight into the study of identity formulation. Methodist missionaries also constituted a significant portion of the Christian mission, and many of the medical and/or educational mission projects in Korea were jointly sponsored by Presbyterians and Methodists. At least a minor reference to the contribution of Methodist missions and their mutual influences on the formulation of the mission identity and policy would have been helpful. Overall, the book is a significant contribution to the knowledge and understanding of the roots of the Korean Christian phenomenon.
204 citations
TL;DR: The authors used Critical Race Theory to analyze and present the effects of teachers leaving the teaching force at faster rates than their White counterparts, despite recruitment efforts, teachers of Color are underrepresented and leave the teaching workforce at faster rate than their white counterparts.
Abstract: Despite recruitment efforts, teachers of Color are underrepresented and leaving the teaching force at faster rates than their White counterparts. Using Critical Race Theory to analyze and present r...
152 citations
Cites background from "Using Latina/o Critical Race Theory..."
...In addition, it weaves its analysis with other factors of subordination such as sexism (Delgado Bernal, 2002; Solórzano, 1998), nativism (Perez Huber, 2010), and ableism (Annamma, Connor, & Ferri, 2013)....
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References
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TL;DR: The authors argue that white working-class racism is underpinned by a complex series of psychological and ideological mechanisms that reinforce racial stereotypes, and thus help to forge the identities of white workers in opposition to black workers.
Abstract: This is the new, fully updated edition of this now-classic study of working-class racism. Combining classical Marxism, psychoanalysis and the new labor history pioneered by E. P. Thompson and Herbert Gutman, David Roediger's widely acclaimed book provides an original study of the formative years of working-class racism in the United States. This, he argues, cannot be explained simply with reference to economic advantage; rather, white working-class racism is underpinned by a complex series of psychological and ideological mechanisms that reinforce racial stereotypes, and thus help to forge the identities of white workers in opposition to blacks. In a lengthy new introduction, Roediger surveys recent scholarship on whiteness, and discusses the changing face of labor in the twenty-first century.
2,665 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Using critical race theory as a framework, the authors provided an examination of racial microaggressions and how they influence the collegiate racial climate using focus group interview data from African American students at three universities.
Abstract: Microaggressions are subtle insults (verbal, nonverbal, and/or visual) directed toward people of color, often automatically or unconsciously. Using critical race theory as a framework, the study described in this article provides an examination of racial microaggressions and how they influence the collegiate racial climate. Using focus group interview data from African American students at three universities, it reveals that racial microaggressions exist in both academic and social spaces in the collegiate environment. The study shows how African American students experience and respond to racial microaggressions. It also demonstrates how racial microaggressions have a negative impact on the campus racial climate. ... one must not look for the gross and obvious. The subtle, cumulative miniassault is the substance of today's racism... (Pierce, 1974, p. 516) In and of itself a microaggression may seem harmless, but the cumulative burden of a lifetime of microaggressions can theoretically contribute to diminished mortality, augmented morbidity, and flattened confidence. (Pierce, 1995, p. 281) These two epigraphs by psychiatrist Chester Pierce over a 21-year period speak volumes about an important, persistent, and underresearched social problem in the United States: racial microaggressions. Little is known about microaggressions, and yet this subtle form of racism has a dramatic impact on the lives of African Americans. Pierce and his colleagues have defined racial microaggressions as "subtle, stunning, often automatic, and nonverbal exchanges which are 'put downs' of blacks by offenders" (Pierce, Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez, & Wills, 1978, p. 66). They further maintain that these "offensive mechanisms used against blacks often are innocuous" and that the "cumulative weight of their never-ending burden is the major ingredient in black-white interactions" (p. 66). Additionally, Davis (1989) defined racial microaggressions as "stunning, automatic acts of disregard that stem from unconscious attitudes of white superiority and constitute a verification of black inferiority" (p. 1576). Racial microaggressions, or unconscious and subtle forms of racism, though pervasive, are seldom investigated (Delgado & Stefancic, 1992; Johnson, 1988; Lawrence, 1987; Sol6rzano, 1998). Occasionally, African American students get a glimpse into the world of unconscious racism as demonstrated in comments such as those related to us by students who participated in the study described in this article: "When I [a White person] talk about those Blacks, I really wasn't talking about you," "You [a Black person] are not like the rest of them. You're different," "If only there were more of them [Black people] like you [a Black person]," and "I don't think of you [a Black person] as Black." Referring to White authority figures in particular (i.e., judges and other criminal justice authorities), Davis (1989) has suggested that Whites are capable of such utterances because "cognitive habit, history, and culture [have made them] unable to hear the range of relevant voices and grapple with what reasonably might be said in the voice of discrimination's victims" (p. 1576). Subsequently, as Pierce (1974) maintained, each Black person "must be taught to recognize these microaggressions and construct his future by taking appropriate action at each instance of recognition" (p. 520). RACE, RAcism, AND RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS Our study of the collegiate racial climate and the effect of racial microaggressions begins by defining race and racism. One can argue that dominant groups often attempt to legitimate their position via ideological means or a set of beliefs that explains or justifies some actual or potential social arrangement. According to Banks (1995), an examination of U.S. history reveals that the "color line" of race is a socially constructed category, created to differentiate racial groups and to show the superiority or dominance of one race-in particular, Whites-over others. …
2,144 citations
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Using critical race theory as a framework, this paper provided an examination of racial microaggressions and how they influence the collegiate racial climate using focus group interview data from African American students at three universities.
Abstract: Microaggressions are subtle insults (verbal, nonverbal, and/or visual) directed toward people of color, often automatically or unconsciously. Using critical race theory as a framework, the study described in this article provides an examination of racial microaggressions and how they influence the collegiate racial climate. Using focus group interview data from African American students at three universities, it reveals that racial microaggressions exist in both academic and social spaces in the collegiate environment. The study shows how African American students experience and respond to racial microaggressions. It also demonstrates how racial microaggressions have a negative impact on the campus racial climate. ... one must not look for the gross and obvious. The subtle, cumulative miniassault is the substance of today's racism... (Pierce, 1974, p. 516) In and of itself a microaggression may seem harmless, but the cumulative burden of a lifetime of microaggressions can theoretically contribute to diminished mortality, augmented morbidity, and flattened confidence. (Pierce, 1995, p. 281) These two epigraphs by psychiatrist Chester Pierce over a 21-year period speak volumes about an important, persistent, and underresearched social problem in the United States: racial microaggressions. Little is known about microaggressions, and yet this subtle form of racism has a dramatic impact on the lives of African Americans. Pierce and his colleagues have defined racial microaggressions as "subtle, stunning, often automatic, and nonverbal exchanges which are 'put downs' of blacks by offenders" (Pierce, Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez, & Wills, 1978, p. 66). They further maintain that these "offensive mechanisms used against blacks often are innocuous" and that the "cumulative weight of their never-ending burden is the major ingredient in black-white interactions" (p. 66). Additionally, Davis (1989) defined racial microaggressions as "stunning, automatic acts of disregard that stem from unconscious attitudes of white superiority and constitute a verification of black inferiority" (p. 1576). Racial microaggressions, or unconscious and subtle forms of racism, though pervasive, are seldom investigated (Delgado & Stefancic, 1992; Johnson, 1988; Lawrence, 1987; Sol6rzano, 1998). Occasionally, African American students get a glimpse into the world of unconscious racism as demonstrated in comments such as those related to us by students who participated in the study described in this article: "When I [a White person] talk about those Blacks, I really wasn't talking about you," "You [a Black person] are not like the rest of them. You're different," "If only there were more of them [Black people] like you [a Black person]," and "I don't think of you [a Black person] as Black." Referring to White authority figures in particular (i.e., judges and other criminal justice authorities), Davis (1989) has suggested that Whites are capable of such utterances because "cognitive habit, history, and culture [have made them] unable to hear the range of relevant voices and grapple with what reasonably might be said in the voice of discrimination's victims" (p. 1576). Subsequently, as Pierce (1974) maintained, each Black person "must be taught to recognize these microaggressions and construct his future by taking appropriate action at each instance of recognition" (p. 520). RACE, RAcism, AND RACIAL MICROAGGRESSIONS Our study of the collegiate racial climate and the effect of racial microaggressions begins by defining race and racism. One can argue that dominant groups often attempt to legitimate their position via ideological means or a set of beliefs that explains or justifies some actual or potential social arrangement. According to Banks (1995), an examination of U.S. history reveals that the "color line" of race is a socially constructed category, created to differentiate racial groups and to show the superiority or dominance of one race-in particular, Whites-over others. …
1,985 citations
Book•
16 May 2003
TL;DR: The Third edition of the Racism without Racists as mentioned in this paper is a collection of essays about race in contemporary America, with a focus on the "style of color blindness": how to talk nasty about minorities without sounding racist.
Abstract: Preface for Third Edition of Racism without Racists Chapter 1: The Strange Enigma of Race in Contemporary America Chapter 2: The Central Frames of Color-Blind Racism Chapter 3: The Style of Color Blindness: How to Talk Nasty about Minorities without Sounding Racist Chapter 4: "I Didn't Get That Job Because of a Black Man": Color-Blind Racism's Racial Stories Chapter 5: Peeking Inside the (White) House of Color Blindness: The Significance of Whites' Segregation Chapter 6: Are All Whites Refined Archie Bunkers? An Examination of White Racial Progressives Chapter 7: Are Blacks Color Blind, Too? Chapter 8: E Pluribus Unum or the Same Old Perfume in a New Bottle? On the Future of Racial Stratification in the United States Chapter 9: Will Racism Disappear in Obamerica? The Sweet (but Deadly) Enchantment of Colorblindness in Black Face Conclusion
1,833 citations
TL;DR: Using critical race theory and Latina/Latino critical race theories as a framework, the authors utilizes the methods of qualitative inquiry and counter-storytelling to examine the construct of student resistance.
Abstract: Using critical race theory and Latina/Latino critical race theory as a framework, this article utilizes the methods of qualitative inquiry and counterstorytelling to examine the construct of student resistance. The authors use two events in Chicana/Chicano student history—the 1968 East Los Angeles school walkouts and the 1993 UCLA student strike for Chicana and Chicano studies. Using these two methods and events, the authors extend the concept of resistance to focus on its transformative potential and its internal and external dimensions. The authors describe and analyze a series of individual and focus group interviews with women who participated in the 1968 East Los Angeles high school walkouts. The article then introduces a counterstory that briefly listens in on a dialogue between two data-driven composite characters, the Professor and an undergraduate student named Gloria. These characters’ experiences further illuminate the concepts of internal and external transformational resistance.
1,350 citations