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Open accessJournal ArticleDOI: 10.1093/ISR/VIAA027

Where We At? New Directions for Research on Popular Culture and World Politics

04 Mar 2021-International Studies Review (Oxford University Press (OUP))-Vol. 23, Iss: 1, pp 164-180
Abstract: A decade ago, scholars of international relations articulated a research agenda for the study of popular culture and world politics (PCWP), and since then a burgeoning literature has grown in this area. This article critically reflects on the research agenda put forward by Grayson, Davies, and Philpott and explores how recent scholarship has furthered the study of PCWP. In doing so, this article identifies four limitations of current research and suggests that if PCWP scholarship is to remain committed to understanding how power, identities, ideologies, and actions are made commonsense and legitimate, while also problematizing global inequalities and injustices, then it needs to pay greater attention to the analysis of four areas. These are (1) race, colonialism, and intersectionality in PCWP; (2) the impact of digital technology on PCWP; (3) the audience interpretation of PCWP; and (4) practices of making and producing PCWP.

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Topics: Scholarship (50%)

8 results found

Journal ArticleDOI: 10.1109/EE.1942.6435433
A. Boyajian1Institutions (1)
Abstract: I LOOK back over half a century to refresh my memory of what being an American has meant to me progressively through all these years. Born in Armenia, I derived my earliest conception of America from story tellers, and it was about as fantastic as Alice's Wonderland. At the age of 21, while teaching arithmetic in a school, the thought occurred to me one winter morning that I should go to this romantic country. Within a few hours I was on the way. What? Such haste? Doesn't one wait to the end of the school year? Of course not; that is, not if one has indulged in a little free speech the night before in a public lecture at which unexpectedly some Turks were present, and this morning one has been notified to go to the government palace and hand the manuscript of his talk to the pasha. To the Armenians, a phantom inscription on the palace door said: “Enter. No exit.” In the Turkish Empire, only the Turks took their time; others hustled.

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12 Citations

Journal ArticleDOI: 10.1080/02684527.2021.1893079
Abstract: Since joining Twitter in 2014, the CIA has used social media to show an uncharacteristically humorous side to an institution more commonly associated with espionage and secrecy. In light of this re...

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Topics: Social media (54%), Espionage (53%)

4 Citations

Open accessJournal ArticleDOI: 10.1080/09557571.2020.1813465
Rhys Crilley1, Ilan Manor2, Corneliu Bjola2Institutions (2)
Abstract: Social media are inherently visual platforms. Every day, billions of photographs, videos, cartoons, memes, gifs, and infographics are uploaded and shared for the world to see online. As a result, p...

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Topics: Infographic (52%), Social media (51%)

3 Citations

Open accessJournal ArticleDOI: 10.1093/ISAGSQ/KSAB009
14 Aug 2021-
Abstract: How do the masses shape foreign policy? This question has been examined through various conceptual lenses—national identity, public opinion, and popular culture. At the core of all these approaches is an argument that “taken for granted” ideas matter because they constitute a society's mass common sense, in turn influencing assorted political possibilities. What remains to be theorized is how and why such influence occurs. This paper argues that mass common sense sets the limits of legitimacy within societal discourse, thus shaping all political and policy discourses, including foreign policy. The paper evaluates this argument in the case of India's decision to militarily intervene in the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir in 1947. This is done in two steps. The first is to reconstruct India's common sense circa 1947, and this is done from popular Hindi–Urdu language sources such as children's literature and films. The second is to trace possible ways through which commonsensical notions of gender, beauty, and honor influenced the Nehru government toward intervention. The study's conclusions have relevance for interpretivist theories of foreign policy as well as for Indian foreign policy, specifically the persistence of India's tendency to prioritize certain “regions” over others—and the Kashmir Valley and Jammu above all—over most if not all other foreign policy issue areas.

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Topics: Honor (59%), Foreign policy (55%)

3 Citations

Open accessJournal ArticleDOI: 10.53483/VCHW2527
01 Jan 2021-
Abstract: The article introduces the concept of visual biopolitics as a new research approach to studying politics. The analysis starts with a discussion of how visualization might be helpful for political analysis and continues with academic engagement with semiotic studies, along with the theories of aesthetic and mimetic representation and performativity. Then the author explains how visuals can trigger political debates, particularly in the sphere of biopolitics and biopower, as well as in the adjacent domains of sovereignty, governmentality, and border politics. The concluding section projects the visual biopolitics frame onto the field of illiberal studies.

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Topics: Field (Bourdieu) (51%)

2 Citations


135 results found

Open accessBook
01 Jan 1979-
Abstract: Preface to the English-Language Edition Introduction Part 1: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste 1. The Aristocracy of Culture Part 2: The Economy of Practices 2. The Social Space and its Transformations 3. The Habitus and the Space of Life-Styles 4. The Dynamics of Fields Part 3: Class Tastes and Life-Styles 5. The Sense of Distinction 6. Cultural Good Will 7. The Choice of the Necessary 8. Culture and Politics Conclusion: Classes and Classifications Postscript: Towards a 'Vulgar' Critique of 'Pure' Critiques Appendices Notes Credits Index

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Topics: Judgement (57%), Taste (sociology) (57%), Habitus (52%) ... read more

23,791 Citations

Journal ArticleDOI: 10.2307/1229039
Abstract: Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of people of color and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development. The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination-that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example, is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of political empowerment and social reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite- that it frequently conflates or ignores intra group differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring differences within groups frequently contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that frustrates efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color' have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Al-though racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as "woman" or "person of color" as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective here is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color. Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. Focusing on two dimensions of male violence against women-battering and rape-I consider how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism... Language: en

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Topics: Women of color (63%), Intersectionality (61%), Identity (social science) (59%) ... read more

12,242 Citations

Open accessBook
01 Jan 1996-
Topics: Cultural globalization (69%), Globalization (62%), Modernity (54%) ... read more

12,101 Citations

Open access
01 Jan 2005-
Abstract: Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. To overcome this difficulty, an original approach is suggested here: that of intersectionality. In the first part, the paper discusses structural intersectionality, the ways in which the location of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes their real experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform qualitatively different from that of white women. The focus is shifted in the second part to political intersectionality, with the analysis of how both feminist and antiracist politics have functioned in tandem to marginalize the issue of violence against women of color. Finally, the implications of the intersectional approach are addressed within the broader scope of contemporary identity politics.

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Topics: Women of color (63%), Intersectionality (61%), Identity politics (55%) ... read more

11,901 Citations

Open accessBook ChapterDOI: 10.4324/9780429500480-5
Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw1Institutions (1)
01 Jan 1989-
Abstract: This chapter examines how the tendency is perpetuated by a single-axis framework that is dominant in antidiscrimination law and that is also reflected in feminist theory and antiracist politics. It suggests that this single-axis framework erases Black women in the conceptualization, identification and remediation of race and sex discrimination by limiting inquiry to the experiences of otherwise-privileged members of the group. The chapter focuses on otherwise-privileged group members creates a distorted analysis of racism and sexism because the operative conceptions of race and sex become grounded in experiences that actually represent only a subset of a much more complex phenomenon. It argues that Black women are sometimes excluded from feminist theory and antiracist policy discourse because both are predicated on a discrete set of experiences that often does not accurately reflect the interaction of race and gender. The chapter discusses the feminist critique of rape and separate spheres ideology.

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Topics: Feminist legal theory (64%), Feminist philosophy (63%), Critical race theory (57%) ... read more

9,289 Citations

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