Wilsonian Idealism and Japanese Claims at the Paris Peace Conference
01 Nov 1997-Pacific Historical Review (University of California Press Journals)-Vol. 66, Iss: 4, pp 503-526
TL;DR: This article explored further possible explanations of Wilson's failure to fend off the Japanese challenge to the principles of Wilsonian internationalism as set forth in his Fourteen Points, arguing that Japanese-American differences were more than either simple disagreements over diplomatic principles or particular disputes over economic, territorial, or political concessions.
Abstract: the "Old Diplomacy," practiced by imperialists of the Old World, and the "New Diplomacy," advocated by idealistic internationalists under the leadership of President Woodrow Wilson.' This dichotomy, however, does not fully explain the antagonism between Japan and the United States at the end of World War I. This study explores further possible explanations of President Wilson's failure to fend off the Japanese challenge to the principles of Wilsonian internationalism as set forth in his Fourteen Points. It argues that Japanese-American differences were more than either simple disagreements over diplomatic principles or particular disputes over economic, territorial, or political concessions. Hidden behind the conflict was another dichotomy-between America's universalism and unilateralism, on the one hand, and, on the other, an incipient particularistic regionalism and pluralism derived from Japanese leaders' assessment of
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24 Feb 2014TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the role of newspapers in the development of free trade in the United States and the preservation of cooperation in the British Empire, 1851-1947.
Abstract: 1. Introduction 2. Conceiving cooperation among American newspapers, 1848-92 3. Cooperation, competition, and regulation in the United States, 1893-1945 4. The 'Rationalist Illusion', the Post Office, and the Press, 1868-1913 5. Private enterprise, public monopoly, and the preservation of cooperation in Britain, 1914-41 6. Reluctant imperialist? Reuters in the British Empire, 1851-1947 7. Cartel or free trade: supplying the world's news, 1856-1947 8. Conclusion.
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01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: Marcum et al. as mentioned in this paper developed and tested a principal-agent model in which they incorporated the occupied elite's costs of compliance and the occupier's strategies of control, and investigated the effects of compliance costs on the outcomes of 137 military occupations that result from interstate wars between 1815 and 2003.
Abstract: Title of Dissertation: TO DICTATE THE PEACE: POWER, STRATEGY AND SUCCESS IN MILITARY OCCUPATIONS Anthony S. Marcum, Doctor of Philosophy, 2015 Dissertation directed by: Professor Paul Huth Department of Government and Politics The dissertation addresses the following question: why do some states win a war only to lose the occupation whereas other states can successfully impose their preferred outcome via the control of foreign territory? For example, compare the United States’ failure in Iraq (2003-2008) to the Allied Powers’ success in France (1815-1818). To explain this variation, I develop and test a principal-agent model in which I incorporate the occupied elite’s costs of compliance and the occupier’s strategies of control. As agents, the occupied elites expect to incur significant domestic and international costs if they consent to the occupier’s demands, and thus have strong incentives to not comply. The occupying state can overcome this hostility through a costly exercise of power to shape the choices and manipulate the incentives of elites to influence their decision-making. Occupying states that engage in dictating as a strategy of control are compelling the elites to make a costly choice. By constraining the choice set to compliance or non-compliance with its terms, the occupying power can effectively separate strongly adverse elites from moderately or weakly adverse ones, and thereby gain a commitment to its objectives. Although previous work on occupations recognizes the difficulties in achieving success, the costs of compliance to the elite and the occupiers’ strategy of control are largely overlooked in previous scholarship. To evaluate the theoretical argument, I employ two research methods in the project. First, I built an original dataset to test the effects of the costs of compliance and the strategies of control on the outcomes of 137 military occupations that result from interstate wars between 1815 and 2003. The statistical analyses are paired with two plausibility probes: the Chilean Occupation of Peru (1881-1883) and the Soviet Occupation of North Korea (1945-1948). Second, I examine in-depth the American Occupation of Japan from 1945 to 1952. The case study investigates how the costs of compliance – across regime change, economic stabilization, and rearmament – generated resistance among Japanese politicians, and how the Americans exercised their power to dictate that the former comply with the latter’s costly terms during the course of the
53 citations
TL;DR: In the early decades following the Spanish-American War, American public administration was guided by beliefs about racial superiority and the duty of civilized nations to improve uncivilized peoples through colonization as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: There is an overlooked chapter in the history of American public administration: the experiment with colonial administration in the two decades following the Spanish-American War. Several scholars now identified as pioneers of American public administration were actively engaged in this project. They studied European empires closely to determine how the new American dependencies should be governed. This work was guided by beliefs about racial superiority and the duty of civilized nations to improve uncivilized peoples through colonization. This episode of administrative history provides insight into how American academics thought about race and public administration in the early decades of the twentieth century, both overseas and within the United States. It compels a reassessment of our understandings about their commitment to democracy, and about the supposed differences between American and European public administration at that time.
25 citations
DOI•
01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: For example, this paper pointed out that "only good niggers" travel to Paris, observed Harlem radical Chandler Owen, and their attempt to call for radical racial reform as delegates to the Paris Peace conference would not materialize. But what distinguished the good nigger from the bad? If Owen came to this conclusion based solely on his socialist perspective, then Monroe Trotter would have to be among the good.
Abstract: I would like to thank my parents for challenging me to reach for the galaxies. The Columbia History Department for its generous financial support of my work. Dean Hazel May and The Mellon Mays Undergraduate Fellowship for introducing me to the prospects of becoming a professional historian. I do not know where I would be without my advisor Eric Foner. I thank you for humbling me early on in the writing process and pushing me to write two pages per day. My mentors Samuel Roberts and Christopher Brown for being objective supporters of my work. I can honestly say that I look at you both as genuine friends. I would also like to thank the librarians and for exposing me to the historiography surrounding this topic and helping me conduct archival research. Thanks to all of my friends and loved ones who put up with my incessant preoccupation with African American perceptions of China. I hope you can all forgive me for neglecting our friendships while I was immersed in the personal papers of past leaders. Introduction Apparently " only good niggers " travel to Paris, observed Harlem radical Chandler Owen. and International League of Darker Peoples, their attempt to call for radical racial reform as delegates to the Paris Peace conference would not materialize. 1 Disappointed by the failure of Wilsonian democracy, many African Americans began to look to the colonized world for alliances. During the 1920s and 1930s, China became an ally against racial and economic exploitation. But what distinguished the " good nigger " from the bad? If Owen came to this conclusion based solely on his socialist perspective, then Monroe Trotter would have to be among the " good. " Yet, Owen was not merely a socialist. Indeed, relying on strict categorization to identify supporters or critics of China belies the fact that different strands of black internationalism emerged between 1917 and 1919. Using a wide disposal of ideological weapons, black American leaders in cities like Chicago and New York formulated their opinion of China based on the combinations of various ideologies, their own Introduction 1 experiences with colonialism and U.S. racism, and the economic inequalities rampant in metropolitan areas. As political agents, the Chicago Defender and Pittsburgh Courier's early coverage of China relied on Orientalist rhetoric to describe that country as a stagnant, docile nation. Following World War I, many African Americans lumped the " …
20 citations
References
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03 Dec 1992TL;DR: Wilson and the Age of Socialist Inquiry as mentioned in this paper and Searching for a New Diplomacy, searching for a new international order, is a political Autobiography of a political leader and an account of the origins of Progressive and Conservative Internationalism.
Abstract: Preface1A Political Autobiography32Wilson and the Age of Socialist Inquiry153Searching for a New Diplomacy314The Political Origins of Progressive and Conservative Internationalism485The Turning Point706Raising a New Flag: The League and the Coalition of 1916857"All the Texts of the Rights of Man": Manifestoes for Peace and War1058"If the War Is Too Strong": The Travail of Progressive Internationalism and the Fourteen Points1239Waiting for Wilson: The Wages of Delay and Repression14810"The War Thus Comes to an End"16711The Stern Covenanter19412"A Practical Document and a Humane Document"21013"The Thing Reaches the Depths of Tragedy"22714Wilson's Fate246Epilogue, Echoes from Pueblo271Abbreviations277Notes279Bibliography341Index359
261 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: This new edition of Michael H. Hunt's classic reinterpretation of American diplomatic history includes a preface that reflects on the personal experience and intellectual agenda behind the writing of the book, surveys the broad impact of Hunt's argument, and addresses the challenges to the thesis since the book's original publication.
Abstract: This new edition of Michael H. Hunt's classic reinterpretation of American diplomatic history includes a preface that reflects on the personal experience and intellectual agenda behind the writing of the book, surveys the broad impact of the book's argument, and addresses the challenges to the thesis since the book's original publication. In the wake of 9/11 this interpretation is more pertinent than ever. Praise for the previous edition: "Clearly written and historically sound. . . . A subtle critique and analysis."-Gaddis Smith, Foreign Affairs "A lean, plain-spoken treatment of a grand subject. . . . A bold piece of criticism and advocacy. . . . The right focus of the argument may insure its survival as one of the basic postwar critiques of U.S. policy."-John W. Dower, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists "A work of intellectual vigor and daring, impressive in its scholarship and imaginative in its use of material."-Ronald Steel, Reviews in American History "A masterpiece of historical compression."-Wilson Quarterly "A penetrating and provocative study. . . . A pleasure both to read and to contemplate."-John Martz, Journal of Politics
255 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1987
TL;DR: The history of Japanese imperialism can be traced to the Treaty Port System of Korea (TPS), 1894-1895 The war with Russia, 1895-1905 Formal and informal empire in North-east Asia, 1905-1910 Chinese revolution and world war Overseas trade and investment, 1995-1930 Japan's territorial dependencies and the making of Manchuko as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: List of maps List of tables Note on personal names, place-names, transliteration, and abbreviations Introduction: explanations of imperialism The treaty port system and Japan Modernization and imperialism Intervention in Korea, 1894-1895 The peace settlement with China, 1894-1896 New imperialism and the war with Russia, 1895-1905 Formal and informal empire in North-east Asia, 1905-1910 Chinese revolution and world war Overseas trade and investment, 1895-1930 Japan's territorial dependencies, 1895-1930 The treaty port system in jeopardy, 1918-1931 The making of Manchuko, 1931-1932 Japan's new order in north-east Asia Advance to the south The greater east Asia co-prosperity sphere Conclusion: the nature of Japanese imperialism Bibliography Index
162 citations
Book•
15 Jul 2021
TL;DR: The history of the procedure followed possesses a higher degree of authority than can be claimed for the reports given by previous writers on this subject, while his emphatic dissent from the course pursued in nearly all points confirms the justice of the chief criticisms passed by others upon the work of the Peace Conference, and particularly upon the Covenant of the League of Nations as an international compact as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: For the readers of this JOURNAL the chief interest in this book will be in the contrast presented in this personal narrative between what the peace negotiations really were and what they might have been. Coming from the former Secretary of State of the United States, the history of the procedure followed possesses a higher degree of authority than can be claimed for the reports given by previous writers on this subject, while his emphatic dissent from the course pursued in nearly all points confirms the justice of the chief criticisms passed by others upon the work of the Peace Conference, and particularly upon the Covenant of the League of Nations as an international compact.
102 citations