Book•
World Crisis and Underdevelopment: A Critical Theory of Poverty, Agency, and Coercion
18 Jan 2018-
TL;DR: The World Crisis and Underdevelopment as mentioned in this paper examines the impact of poverty and other global crises in generating forms of structural coercion that cause agential and societal underdevelopment, drawing from discourse ethics and recognition theory in criticizing injustices and pathologies associated with underdevelopment.
Abstract: World Crisis and Underdevelopment examines the impact of poverty and other global crises in generating forms of structural coercion that cause agential and societal underdevelopment. It draws from discourse ethics and recognition theory in criticizing injustices and pathologies associated with underdevelopment. Its scope is comprehensive, encompassing discussions about development science, philosophical anthropology, global migration, global capitalism and economic markets, human rights, international legal institutions, democratic politics and legitimation, world religions and secularization, and moral philosophy in its many varieties.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the French political philosopher Olivier Roy presents an entirely different verdict: political Islam is a failure and even if Islamic fundamentalists take power in countries like Algeria, they will be unable to reshape economics and politics and, in the name of Islamic universalism, will express no more than nationalism or an even narrower agenda.
Abstract: For many Westerners, ours seems to be the era of the \"Islamic threat, \" with radical Muslims everywhere on the rise and on the march, remaking societies and altering the landscape of contemporary politics. In a powerful corrective to this view, the French political philosopher Olivier Roy presents an entirely different verdict: political Islam is a failure. Even if Islamic fundamentalists take power in countries like Algeria, they will be unable to reshape economics and politics and, in the name of \"Islamic universalism, \" will express no more than nationalism or an even narrower agenda. Despite all the rhetoric about an \"Islamic way, \" an \"Islamic economy, \" and an \"Islamic state, \" the realities of the Muslim world remain essentially unchanged. Roy demonstrates that the Islamism of today is still the Third Worldism of the 1960s: populist politics and mixed economies of laissez-faire for the rich and subsidies for the poor. In Roy's striking formulation, those marching today beneath Islam's green banners are same as the \"reds\" of yesterday, with similarly dim prospects of success. Roy has much to say about the sociology of radical Islam, about the set of ideas and assumptions at its core. He explains lucidly why Iran, for all the sound and fury of its revolution, has been unable to launch \"sister republics\" beyond its borders, and why the dream of establishing Islam as a \"third force\" in international relations remains a futile one. Richly informed, powerfully argued, and clearly written, this is a book that no one trying to understand Islamic fundamentalism can afford to overlook.
346 citations
01 Jan 2010
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that heterogeneity does not exclude the universality of international law, as long as the law retains -and further develops -its capacity to accommodate an ever larger measure of heterogeneity.
Abstract: The ESIL Conference at which this article was originally presented as the Keynote Speech was devoted to the topic of " International Law in a Heterogeneous World " . The article attempts to demonstrate that heterogeneity does not exclude the universality of international law, as long as the law retains - and further develops - its capacity to accommodate an ever larger measure of such heterogeneity. After developing three different conceptions, or levels, of what the term ' universality ' of international law is intended to capture, the article focuses on international rules, (particularly judicial) mechanisms, and international institutions which serve the purpose of reconciling heterogeneous values and expectations by means of international law. The article links a critical evaluation of these ways and means with the dif- ferent notions of universality by inquiring how they cope with the principal challenges faced by these notions. In so doing, it engages a number of topics which have become immensely popular in contemporary international legal writing, here conceived as challenges to univer- sality: the so-called ' fragmentation ' of international law; in close connection with this fi rst buzzword the challenges posed by what is called the ' proliferation ' of international courts and tribunals; and, fi nally, certain recent problems faced by individuals who fi nd themselves at the fault lines of emerging multi-level international governance. The article concludes that these challenges have not prevented international law from forming a (by and large coher- ent) legal system. Most concerns about the dangers of fragmentation appear overstated. As for the ' proliferation ' of international judicial institutions, the debate on fragmentation has made international judges even more aware of the responsibility they bear for a coherent con- struction of international law. They have managed to develop a set of tools for coping with the * Judge at the International Court of Justice. This article was originally presented as the Keynote Speech at
80 citations
Posted Content•
TL;DR: In this article, Miller constructs a new account of international justice, combining deep moral argument with extensive factual inquiry, and argues for standards of responsible conduct in transnational relations that create vast unmet obligations.
Abstract: Combining deep moral argument with extensive factual inquiry, Richard Miller constructs a new account of international justice. Though a critic of demanding principles of kindness toward the global poor and an advocate of special concern for compatriots, he argues for standards of responsible conduct in transnational relations that create vast unmet obligations. Governments, firms and people in developed countries, above all, the United States, by failing to live up to these responsibilities, take advantage of people in developing countries. Miller's proposed standards of responsible conduct offer answers to such questions as: What must be done to avoid exploitation in transnational manufacturing? What framework for world trade and investment would be fair? What duties do we have to limit global warming? What responsibilities to help meet basic needs arise when foreign powers steer the course of development? What obligations are created by uses of violence to sustain American global power? Globalizing Justice provides new philosophical foundations for political responsibility, a unified agenda of policies for responding to major global problems, a distinctive appraisal of 'the American empire', and realistic strategies for a global social movement that helps to move humanity toward genuine global cooperation.
70 citations
TL;DR: The authors explored the interplay of teacher agency and professional practice, drawing on the capability approach to human development and Bourdieuan reflexive sociology, and named five faceted aspects of teacher agencies.
Abstract: Drawing on the capability approach to human development and Bourdieuan reflexive sociology, this paper explores the interplay of teacher agency and professional practice. The paper names five facet...
44 citations
Cites background from "World Crisis and Underdevelopment: ..."
...Ingram (2018) captures the social dimension of agency as follows: Because our individuality is interpolated through the particular social statuses we occupy, the particular social roles we play, and the particular social values we embody, basic trust in who we are, or confidence in ourselves as…...
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Posted Content•
TL;DR: The authors discuss the controversy over the career and thought of Tariq Ramadan and offer an account of what Western liberals ought to hope for from the thought of such a figure and then show, pace Ramadan's critiques, that his views on European citizenship and social cooperation are largely "reasonable" from the standpoint of political liberalism.
Abstract: In this paper I discuss the controversy over the career and thought of Tariq Ramadan. I offer an account of what Western liberals ought to hope for from the thought of such a figure and then show, pace Ramadan's critiques, that his views on European citizenship and social cooperation are largely "reasonable" from the standpoint of political liberalism. I also situate Ramadan's views in the context of Islamic law and contemporary Islamist thought on life in the West.
22 citations
References
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19,485 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1999
TL;DR: In this paper, Amartya Sen quotes the eighteenth century poet William Cowper on freedom: Freedom has a thousand charms to show, That slaves howe'er contented, never know.
Abstract: In Development as Freedom Amartya Sen quotes the eighteenth century poet William Cowper on freedom: Freedom has a thousand charms to show, That slaves howe'er contented, never know. Sen explains how in a world of unprecedented increase in overall opulence, millions of people living in rich and poor countries are still unfree. Even if they are not technically slaves, they are denied elementary freedom and remain imprisoned in one way or another by economic poverty, social deprivation, political tyranny or cultural authoritarianism. The main purpose of development is to spread freedom and its 'thousand charms' to the unfree citizens. Freedom, Sen persuasively argues, is at once the ultimate goal of social and economic arrangements and the most efficient means of realizing general welfare. Social institutions like markets, political parties, legislatures, the judiciary, and the media contribute to development by enhancing individual freedom and are in turn sustained by social values. Values, institutions, development, and freedom are all closely interrelated, and Sen links them together in an elegant analytical framework. By asking "What is the relation between our collective economic wealth and our individual ability to live as we would like?" and by incorporating individual freedom as a social commitment into his analysis, Sen allows economics once again, as it did in the time of Adam Smith, to address the social basis of individual well-being and freedom.
19,080 citations
01 Jan 1979
17,729 citations
Book•
10 Oct 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that the suggested courses of action are inappropriate, in that they lead to results which are not necessarily, or even usually, desirable, and therefore, it is recommended to exclude the factory from residential districts (and presumably from other areas in which the emission of smoke would have harmful effects on others).
Abstract: This paper is concerned with those actions of business firms which have harmful effects on others. The standard example is that of a factory the smoke from which has harmful effects on those occupying neighbouring properties. The economic analysis of such a situation has usually proceeded in terms of a divergence between the private and social product of the factory, in which economists have largely followed the treatment of Pigou in The Economics of Welfare. The conclusions to which this kind of analysis seems to have led most economists is that it would be desirable to make the owner of the factory liable for the damage caused to those injured by the smoke, or alternatively, to place a tax on the factory owner varying with the amount of smoke produced and equivalent in money terms to the damage it would cause, or finally, to exclude the factory from residential districts (and presumably from other areas in which the emission of smoke would have harmful effects on others). It is my contention that the suggested courses of action are inappropriate, in that they lead to results which are not necessarily, or even usually, desirable.
11,448 citations
Book•
28 Mar 2001
TL;DR: In this paper, the key to the institutional system of the 19 century lay in the laws governing market economy, which was the fount and matrix of the system was the self-regulating market, and it was this innovation which gave rise to a specific civilization.
Abstract: But the fount and matrix of the system was the self-regulating market. It was this innovation which gave rise to a specific civilization. The gold standard was merely an attempt to extend the domestic market system to the international field; the balance of power system was a superstructure erected upon and, partly, worked through the gold standard; the liberal state was itself a creation of the self-regulating market. The key to the institutional system of the 19 century lay in the laws governing market economy. (p. 3).
8,514 citations