Preprints of the
Max Planck Institute for
Research on Collective Goods
Bonn 2016/15
You Are In Charge –
Experimentally Testing the
Motivating Power of Holding
a Judicial Ofce
Christoph Engel /
Lilia Zhurakhovska
MAX PLANCK SOCIETY
Preprints of the
Max Planck Institute
for Research on Collective Goods Bonn 2016/15
You Are In Charge – Experimentally Testing the
Motivating Power of Holding a Judicial Ofce
Christoph Engel / Lilia Zhurakhovska
October 2016,
revised January 2017
Max Planck Institute for Research on Collective Goods, Kurt-Schumacher-Str. 10, D-53113 Bonn
http://www.coll.mpg.de
YouAreInCharge–ExperimentallyTestingtheMotivating
PowerofHoldingaJudicialOffice
*
ChristophEngel
(MaxPlanckInstituteforResearchonCollectiveGoods,Bonn)
LiliaZhurakhovska
(UniversityofDuisburg‐Essen)
Abstract
Apparently judges’ decisions are not motivated by maximizing their own profit. The litera‐
tureusestwostrategiestoexplainthisobservation:judgescareaboutthelong‐termmone‐
tary consequences for themselves, or individuals who are more strongly motivated by the
common
goodself‐selectintotheprofession.Wesuggestthatthereisanadditionalexplana‐
tion, the "office motive". In a labexperiment,weruleoutbothtraditionalexplanationsby
design.Nonethelessauthoritiesdoareliablejobatovercomingasocialdilemma.Callingthe
authorities"publicofficial"or"judge"increasestheirsensitivity towardsthedegreebywhich
individuals are selfish, and it reduces the effect of their social value orientation (making
themmoreneutral).Thissuggeststhatthesociallydesirableeffectisnotdrivenbyangeror
sympathywiththevictims,butfollowsfromthedesiretofulfilltheexpectationsthatcome
withtheassignedtask. We test three extensions: When given an opportunity to announce
an explicit policy, judges become less sensitive to the objective degree of reproach, and
more sensitive to their social value orientation. If judges are elected or experienced, they
reactmoreintenselyto norm violations. Experienced judges are moreaffectedby their so‐
cialvalueorientation.
JEL:C91,D03,D63,D73,H11,H41,H83,K41
Keywords:judicialbehavior,officemotive,public‐goodsexperiment,judicialframe,election,
experience
* Wegratefullyacknowledgehelpfulcommentsbytheeditor,anan onymousreferee,JudgePosner,JeffRachlinski,Kon‐
stantinosChatziathanasiouandSvenjaHippelandaudiencesattheRoyalAcademyofSciencesintheNetherlands,and
attheUniversityofSouthernCaliforniaLawSchool.
2
1. Introduction
"What Do Judges and Justices Maximize? The Same Thing Everybody Else Does" (Posner,
1993).ThetitleofJudgePosner’s1993articlehasprovokedawholeliterature.Actually,the
bodyofhispaperismuchmorenuanced,ashislatercontributionsare(theyaresummarized
in Posner, 2010). Yet the original question remains still unresolved. In economic parlance,
judgesareagents,whilethepeople,thestate,orthegovernmentare/istheir principal(s).A
hugeliterature in economicsstarts fromthe assumptionthat a principal‐agent relationship
createsaproblem(forasummaryaccountsee LaffontandTirole,1993).Iftheprincipal can‐
notconditiontheagent’spayoffontheagent’saction,theagentactssuchthatshemaximiz‐
esherownpayoff,irrespectiveofthedetrimentfortheprincipal.Therulesmeanttoprotect
judicial independence (almost) completely shield judges from intervention. Why does the
principal‐agent problem nonetheless seemingly not materialize for judges? The two main
answersthathavebeengivenare:judgesare,indeed,selfishbutjudicialdecision‐makingis
sufficiently contained by constraints; judges hold different preferences and self‐select into
office.
Weclaimthatthisliterature overlooksamotivethatishighlyimportantfor,butnotspecific
to,judges.Judgesdonotbehave(plainly)selfishlysimplybecausetheyhavebeenassigneda
public office. In their majority they live up to the expectationsthat go with holding the of‐
fice. To put this claim to the test, we design a lab experiment. In the lab, we are able to
completelyremoveinstitutionalandsocialconstraints.Weconstructanenvironmentwhere
thereisaclearandeasilyobservableconflictbetweenselfishbehaviorandtheexpectations
thatgowiththeoffice.Wegivesubjectsintheroleofauthoritiestheopportunitytoaddress
atruesocialproblem,atacosttothemselves.Werandomlyassigntheoffice,thusexcluding
any possibility of particularly conscientious individuals self‐selecting into the position. We
ruleoutanylong‐termeffectsonauthorities’profit.
Tocreateasocialproblemthatcallsforintervention,werelyonastan darddesignfromex‐
perimentaleconomics,alinearpublicgood.Thisdesigncreatesasocialproblem.Individual‐
ly,eachparticipantisbestoffifshedoesnotcontributetoajointproject.Yetthegroupto
which this participant is randomly assigned is best off if everybody contributes maximally.
Thisexperimenthasbeenreplicatedhundredsoftimes(foroverviews
seeChaudhuri,2011,
Ledyard,1995,Zelmer,2003).Averyrobust patternresults:onaverage,contributionsstart
somewherein the middle between nothing and everything,but gradually decay over time.
Thepatternisreversed,though,ifparticipantsaregivenanopportunitytopunisheachoth‐
er,evenifthisiscostly(Fehr
andGächter,2002,2000,NikiforakisandNormann,2008).The
threat of punishment disciplines free‐riders. We deviate from the standard design in one
respect.Werandomlyassigntoeachgroupoffourcontributorsafifthparticipant.Thispar‐
ticipantalonehaspowertometeoutpunishment,whichiscostlyforher.Shedoesnotben‐
efitfromcontributionstothepublicgood.Insteadsheearnsafixedfeeandhasanaddition‐
alendowmentthatshecanuseforpunishment(orkeep).Thegameisrepeated.Throughout
theexperiment,groupcompositionisheldconstant.
In the literature, the puzzle is presented in the language of a principal‐agent‐relationship.
Oncetheyareinoffice,judgescouldabusetheguaranteeofindependencetoincreasetheir
personalprofit, e.g.bymaximizingleisure.Yetitisaprincipal ‐agentproblemwithaspecial
feature:theprincipalarethepeople.Theassignedtaskoftheagentistogovernthepeople,
3
i.e.theprincipal.Itisthisspecialfeaturethatweclaimiscriticalinbehavioralterms.Atypi‐
caljudgefeelstheurgetofulfilltheexpectationsthatcomewiththeoffi ce,andnottoabuse
thepowersassignedtoherforselfishpurposes.Thedesignofthe experimentpreservesthis
featureofthereallifesituation.
An important feature of our design is that we test students with various majors, while we
wanttounderstandthechoices of judges.For us students arenot just aconveniencesam‐
ple. In fact, not testing professional judges is critical for identification. Had we found the
sameresultswithjudges,wewouldnothaveknownwhetherresults aredrivenbythefact
thatspecialindividualsselectintobecomingjudges,orby theirexposuretothejudicialpro‐
fessional environment. We would not have been able to isolate the office motive. By con‐
trast,wecandosowithstudents,sincewecanrandomlyassigntheofficetooneinfivepar‐
ticipants.Furthernotethatasituationis frequentinjudicialpracticethatsharesthisfeature
withourexperiment:individualsonone‐timejuryduty.
Ifauthoritiesholdstandardpreferences,i.e.,iftheymaximizetheirpayoff,wehaveaclear
prediction. There is no punishment. Contributions to the public good decay over time, as
theywouldintheabsenceofthepunishmentoption.Infact,28%oftheauthoritiesbehave
this way. But the vast majority of 72% are willing to discipline free‐riders, although this
means a smaller payoff for them. Punishment is explained by two reasonable and socially
desirablefactors.Participantsarethemorelikelytobepunishedthelesstheyhavecontrib‐
uted. Authorities, on top, care about the degree by which participants deviate from the
group average in the previous period. Authorities thus conjointly apply an absolute and a
relative definition of free‐riding, and target both. Holding an office indeed strongly moti‐
vatesonetodowhatiscalledfor.
Ideally, the legislator would want all wrongdoers to be treated equally, irrespective of the
particularauthoritytheyarefacing.Thepolicypreferencesoftheauthorityshouldbeimma‐
terial. To test whether policy preferences of the authority have explanatory power, before
thestartofthemainexperiment,usingastandardtest,weelicittheauthorities’socialvalue
orientation (Liebrand and McClintock, 1988).
1
We find that punishment behavior is signifi‐
cantlymoderatedbytheauthorities’personalsocialvalueorientation.Notethatinourde‐
signan authority doesnothave powerto equal out her own payoff. The factthat her per‐
sonalsocialvalueorientationexplainsherpunishmentchoicesshowsthatshe
hasaprefer‐
enceforothersbehavinginaway,andforothers’payoffsbeingdistributedinawaythatis
consistent with the way she would want to be treated herself. This is why we refer to the
authorities’socialvalueorientationasapolicypreference.
It is normatively desirable that individuals who have no personal interest in the outcome
nonethelessdisciplineothers,evenifthiscomesatacost. Butinandofitselfthisevidence
doesnotsuffice toisolateanofficemotive.Theoutsiderscouldjustbeangryabouttheanti‐
socialbehaviorofsomeindividuals,or
theycouldshowsympathywiththevictims.Thus,in
ordertofindout whether "beingincharge"isrelevant,we rerun theexperiment,butnow
add a frame. In one treatment, we call the outsider a "public official".
2
In the other treat‐
1 Notethatfeedbackaboutthesocialvalueorientationtestisonlygivenattheveryendoftheexperiment.Thatwaywe
canensurethattheauthorities’decisionsinthepublic‐goodsexperimentarenotinfluencedbytheoutcomeofthefirst
partoftheexperiment.
2 "Beamter“intheGermanoriginal.