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政治自由主义 = Political liberalism

John Rawls, 俊人 万
01 Jan 2000-
About: The article was published on 2000-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 1762 citations till now.
Citations
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Journal Article•DOI•
The need for a manifesto for educational programme evaluation

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John Elliott1, Saville Kushner2•
University of East Anglia1, University of the West of England2
12 Sep 2007-Cambridge Journal of Education
TL;DR: The Cambridge conferences as discussed by the authors have been held periodically from 1972 to 2004 to review the state of the art of educational program evaluation in relation to the complexity of programme initiatives and the policy and political contexts of the times.
Abstract: This paper explores the progress of educational programme evaluation over three decades through the lens of a group of evaluators primarily from the UK and the US who met periodically from 1972 to 2004 to review the state of the art of educational programme evaluation—what it could and could not do—in relation to the complexity of programme initiatives and the policy and political contexts of the times. These meetings came to be known as the Cambridge conferences as they were always held at a university college in Cambridge. They were sponsored in the main by the Nuffield Foundation and, in 2004, by the ESRC. The nucleus of original group membership was retained over the years for continuity with additional members joining as the specific focus of the conference changed and new ideas were sought. There have been six conferences. This paper first locates the contextual origin of and reason for the first conference and the manifesto that was written from it. Secondly it documents the revisiting of that mani...

20 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…deliberative democracy acknowledges the diverse ways in which citizens see and interpret their world, and the need to establish institutions that will enable them to achieve a broad overlapping consensus (see Rawls, 1993, pp. 133–172) about the ways it can be changed to meet their diverse needs....

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Journal Article•DOI•
The importance of liberal values within policing: police and crime commissioners, police independence and the spectre of illiberal democracy

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D. Wood1•
Canterbury Christ Church University1
17 Feb 2016-Policing & Society
TL;DR: The authors argued that there is a growing disparity between the rhetoric of liberal policing principles, historically rooted in pre-democratic times, and the reality of contemporary policing in societies that are increasingly sensitive to democratic expectations.
Abstract: The introduction of Police and Crime Commissioners (PCC) in England and Wales has reignited discussions about police governance. This paper contributes to these debates by focusing on the role liberal values play within liberal democratic ideals of policing. It suggests, policing principles historically have been informed primarily by liberal goals; that is to say these principles are liberal before they are democratic. Policing in England and Wales today, however, is increasingly informed by democratic values at the expense of liberal principles. The spectre of illiberal democracy is considered here as a warning in light of this development. The paper argues that there is a growing disparity between the rhetoric of liberal policing principles, historically rooted in pre-democratic times, and the reality of contemporary policing in societies that are increasingly sensitive to democratic expectations. Police independence is used to illustrate this argument. Police independence is still revered in rhetoric today, but the liberal origin of this concept is not recognised. But the idea that the police should retain a degree of freedom from political interference makes sense from a liberal perspective, one that is increasingly difficult to defend as liberal values decline in importance, and democratic aspirations come to the fore. The paper concludes by suggesting that liberal values are, on the one hand, increasingly difficult to accommodate within contemporary ideas of policing, but are at the same time becoming more necessary, especially following the introduction of PCCs.

20 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Manning (2010, p. viii) in particular focuses his discussions on the political philosophy of Rawls (1971, 1993)3 by asking: ‘If a democracy rests on equality, justice, and basic rights and responsibilities, what role do the police play in shaping them?’...

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Journal Article•DOI•
Rawls' Methodological Blueprint

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Jonathan Floyd
01 Jul 2017-European Journal of Political Theory
TL;DR: The primary legacy of Rawls is not that he standardised a particular view of justice, but rather that he standardized a particular method of arguing about it: justification via reflective equilibrium.
Abstract: Rawls’ primary legacy is not that he standardised a particular view of justice, but rather that he standardised a particular method of arguing about it: justification via reflective equilibrium. Ye...

20 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...…(1) Rawls certainly thought enough consistency was available at the start (Reidy, 2014: 20), middle (Rawls, 1999: 306) and end of his career (Rawls, 2005: 14–15), though of course the precise amount of postulated consistency is reduced in Political Liberalism, as noted above; and (2) he…...

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  • ...…meta-ethics, as noted, by leaving the question of truth ‘open’, and instead trying only to solve a ‘practical problem’ (Pogge, 2007b: 163, 174–175; Rawls, 2005: 110–116).12 On this view, his work is political, not epistemological (Lehning, 2009: 100); it involves ‘public justification’, not…...

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  • ...…goal of justifying principles with the goal of achieving agreement upon them (Rawls, 1971: 453–455), but also his later idea of ‘reasonableness’, according to which terms of social cooperation can only be fair if they are reasonably acceptable to those to whom they are offered (Rawls, 2005: xlii)....

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  • ...…Lincoln’s claim that if slavery is not wrong then nothing is wrong (Lehning, 2009: 1; Maffetone, 2010: 2), and it is worth noting that all his key examples were of injustice rather than justice, e.g. serfdom, religious persecution, and the oppression of women (Audard, 2007: 32; Rawls, 2005: 431)....

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  • ...…combined with what he calls ‘the burdens of judgement’, lead to a plurality of ‘reasonable comprehensive doctrines’ (e.g. Kantianism or utilitarianism), and thus prevent widespread agreement on every aspect of morality, even though we can agree on principles of justice (Rawls, 2005: esp....

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Journal Article•DOI•
Conflict and reconciliation between Turks and Kurds: the HDP as an agonistic actor

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Omer Tekdemir1•
University of Leicester1
24 Oct 2016-Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
TL;DR: In this article, an alternative form of conflict resolution to analyze ethnic conflict and Kurdish dissent in the polarized and divided society of Turkey is proposed by employing Mouffe's concept of agonism and radical democracy, in conjunction with Laclau's model of populism.
Abstract: This paper proposes an alternative form of conflict resolution to analyze ethnic conflict and Kurdish dissent in the polarized and divided society of Turkey. It does so by employing Mouffe’s concept of agonism and radical democracy, in conjunction with Laclau’s model of populism. Through an analysis of the role of the Kurdish-led, left-leaning populist party, the People’s Democratic Party (HDP), and its approach to Turkish-Kurdish reconciliation, the paper makes the case for the political and theoretical effectiveness of an agonistic approach, illustrating the possibility of dispute resolution by taking conflict into the centre of the peace building process.

20 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...This unorthodox reading challenges the liberal understanding of rational consensus as argued by scholars such as Rawls (2005) and Habermas (1995)....

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Journal Article•DOI•
Civilian consciousness of the mutable nature of borders: The power of appearance along a fragmented border in Israel/Palestine

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Tali Hatuka1•
Tel Aviv University1
01 Aug 2012-Political Geography
TL;DR: The authors examines the role of citizenship in the design and performance of dissent focusing on two groups of Israeli activists, Machsom Watch and Anarchists against the Wall, using their Israeli citizenship as a source of power, these groups apply different strategies of dissent while challenging discriminating practices of control in occupied Palestinian territories.

20 citations

Cites background from "政治自由主义 = Political liberalism"

  • ...Examples are John Rawls’ (1993) proposal of identifying justice with the idea of “fairness” and giving priority to rights over goods, the call for reforming social institutions in a way that will allow accommodation of cultural distinctiveness of multiple ethnic groups in a single state (Kymlicka,…...

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  • ...Examples are John Rawls’ (1993) proposal of identifying justice with the idea of “fairness” and giving priority to rights over goods, the call for reforming social institutions in a way that will allow accommodation of cultural distinctiveness of multiple ethnic groups in a single state (Kymlicka, 2007), and Iris Marion Young’s proposal to shift the focus from the search for commonality (and, as a result, bypassing diversity) to make the public sphere truly representative of individuals as well as groups (Young, 2000)....

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References
More filters
Journal Article•DOI•
Political liberalism: Reasonableness and democratic practice

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Sebastiano Maffettone
01 Sep 2004-Philosophy & Social Criticism
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls, the idea of the reasonable, and conclude that this concept helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.
Abstract: This paper aims to explore an important concept in the work of the later Rawls: the idea of the reasonable. While the concept has its roots in both Aristotle and Kant, Rawls develops a unique account of the reasonable in the light of his theory of political liberalism. The paper includes Rawlsian responses to the practical challenges of radical democrats on the one hand, and epistemological challenges to the reasonable on the other. It concludes that Rawls’s account of the reasonable helps to bridge the gap between liberal theory and democratic practice.

1,108 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Human Development and Economic Sustainability

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Sudhir Anand1, Amartya Sen2•
University of Oxford1, University of Cambridge2
01 Dec 2000-World Development
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors integrate the concern for human development in the present with that in the future, and explore the relationship between distributional equity, sustainable development, optimal growth, and pure time preference.

726 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Multiple modernities: Kitchens for an African elite

[...]

Deborah Pellow1•
Syracuse University1
01 Mar 2015-Home Cultures
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro-lifers in the Ivory Coast.
Abstract: Meaning is inscribed in the material/built environment and this article considers the materiality of change in urban Africa, focusing particularly on the kitchens of a group of first-generation pro...

635 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Survey Article: The Coming of Age of Deliberative Democracy

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James Bohman1•
Saint Louis University1
01 Dec 1998-Journal of Political Philosophy
TL;DR: The notion of deliberative democracy was coined by Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or "aristocratic" interpretation of the American Constitution.
Abstract: roposed as a reformist and sometimes even as a radical political ideal,deliberative democracy begins with the critique of the standard practices ofliberal democracy. Although the idea can be traced to Dewey and Arendt andthen further back to Rousseau and even Aristotle, in its recent incarnation theterm stems from Joseph Bessette, who explicitly coined it to oppose the elitist or‘‘aristocratic’’ interpretation of the American Constitution.

595 citations

Journal Article•DOI•
Recognition without Ethics

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Nancy Fraser1•
The New School1
01 Jun 2001-Theory, Culture & Society
TL;DR: This article propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as well as identity-based conceptions.
Abstract: In the course of the last 30 years, feminist theories of gender have shifted from quasi-Marxist, labor-centered conceptions to putatively ‘post-Marxist’ culture-and identity-based conceptions. Reflecting a broader political move from redistribution to recognition, this shift has been double edged. On the one hand, it has broadened feminist politics to encompass legitimate issues of representation, identity and difference. Yet, in the context of an ascendant neoliberalism, feminist struggles for recognition may be serving less to enrich struggles for redistribution than to displace the latter. Thus, instead of arriving at a broader, richer paradigm that could encompass both redistribution and recognition, feminists appear to have traded one truncated paradigm for another – a truncated economism for a truncated culturalism. This article aims to resist that trend. I propose an anaysis of gender that is broad enough to house the full range of feminist concerns, those central to the old socialist-feminism as w...

570 citations